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As the 2003 Presidential election fast approaches, the Igbos under the aegis of Ohanaeze Ndigbo (the umbrella body
of all Igbo socio-cultural organizations), are yet to reach a decision on actualizing their bid for the presidency
on April 19, through the endorsement of a consensus candidate. Ohaneze's teetering approach to its most important
goal of achieving the next president from the South East zone has generated widespread examination in the press
recently, especially since the failure of Dr. Alex Ekwueme to become the PDP flag bearer. Much of the reviews,
especially those coming from other zones in Nigeria, have been termagant criticisms of Ohaneze's leadership role
in the Igbo scheme of affairs, and have called into question the organization's relevance. Ohaneze's inability
to reach a decision on a consensus candidate/platform 6 weeks to the general election only adds to the perplexed
observation by Nigerians as a whole that have been enamored of the Igbo presidential project in the last 2 years.
Those being considered for endorsement include the following Igbo presidential candidates - Chief Emeka Ojukwu
(APGA), Sen. Ike Nwachukwu (NDP), Sen. Jim Nwobodo (UNPP), Dr. Arthur Nwankwo (PMP), and Alhaji Yahaya Ndu (ARP).
Mr. Emma Okereke was nominated by his party APLP late, and is not included in the list of those being considered
for endorsement. Pastor Chris Okotie (NJP) who is also of Igbo extraction, is from the South-South zone, and therefore
not under consideration.
The idea of a consensus candidate represents the crystallization of the Igbos' search for the consolidation and
amplification of a corporate Igbo and South Eastern voice in this political dispensation. It follows the selections
of General Buhari (ANPP) and General Obasanjo (PDP) by the other legs of the tripodal polity. In a deft political
maneuver, the AD party has indirectly chosen to pick Obasanjo as the West's representative by not fielding a presidential
candidate. The core North also has decided to present General Buhari as its candidate by outmaneuvering the 5 Igbo
candidates in the ANPP party. So, while the West and the core North presented one person each in the 2 largest
parties, the South East has 6 presidential candidates in anticlinal parties, and hence the need for a consensus
candidate.
The dream of having the next president from the South East zone has to be viewed within the larger picture of the
Igbo agenda of articulating and defining its preferred direction of full integration within the Nigerian polity,
and the picking of a consensus candidate should be viewed within that context, and not as our own response to the
other legs of Nigeria's major ethnic triplicity. Ohaneze's impending decision raises a number of interesting issues
that need to be examined thoroughly. One of such issues is to answer the question of whether the endorsement of
a consensus candidate in 2003 is strategically aligned with the accomplishment of a defined Igbo agenda of full
integration in Nigeria. In seeking to answer this question, other questions must be asked on the full political
implications of this decision as it relates to the future ability of the Igbos to get the presidency; an examination
of the relative importance of platform adoption versus candidate adoption or both; lessons of the recent primaries
on repositioning to accomplish the set goal, and the articulation of a definitive Igbo agenda plus the political
instrument for accomplishing the goal within a reasonable time frame.
The idea of an Igbo President in 2003 originated from the Ohaneze-sponsored World Igbo Summit that took place in
Enugu in January 2001. Since then, Ohaneze Ndigbo has adopted an irrevocable commitment to the project regardless
of political trends in the polity. As far as Ohaneze is concerned, there is no going back on it, whatever the prospects
of success or failure must be, since it feels that its efforts will compel the nation to take cognizance of not
just the legitimacy of its demand but also the injustice of the Igbo exclusion from the office of President of
Nigeria. Will such a rigid approach be beneficial to the quest for the presidency?
Since achieving a President from the South East fits in an Igbo agenda of full reintegration into the Nigerian
nation as full participants instead of onlookers, it is important for Ohaneze to critically examine the political
equation in order to work out a winning strategic formula for actualizing this goal in the shortest feasible time
frame, be it 2007 or 2011. It is clear that Ohaneze's foray into the political arena since 1999 has been devoid
of sagacity, proper strategic positioning, and fecundity. In 1999, despite Ohaneze's endorsement of Chief Olu Falae,
the South East zone voted overwhelmingly for Obasanjo's PDP, and elected 5 PDP governors. Also, when the clarion
call went out in 2001 for a President of Igbo extraction in 2003, no explicit programme was articulated, developed,
and marketed to actualize the project. All that was done was to clamor for the presidency in the media because
it was the "turn" of the Igbos. It does not take a student of politics to know that power sharing is
never equitable, fair, just, and a turn-by-turn process. Instead, it is warfare, and political warfare at a minimum
requires a flexible approach to maneuvering various stratagems in order to win the battle. Proper planning would
have tackled the issue of a pre-primaries consensus candidate, a well-defined agenda or platform, acquisition of
political instruments to realize the set agenda, and proper marketing of a well-articulated plan to the other zones
in the polity. Instead, the free-for-all scenario produced an epidemic record number of nominated Igbo presidential
candidates, the highest number of aspirants in the run up to the primaries, and the greatest volume of decampments
by any group in 2003.
What needs to be done now in order to produce a rebirth and put us back on track?
The current geriatric leadership of Ohaneze lacks the form that is needed to toggle at the doors of prolific political
warfare in Nigeria. This has been demonstrated by the organization's numerous missteps to the detriment of the
Igbos, which supporters have blamed on the interregnums in the development of Igbo political leadership. However,
given the caliber of the people that constitute the leadership, the political stakes, and the collective destiny
of the third largest ethnic group in Nigeria, should we not expect more than mediocrity and excuses from our esteemed
leadership? Should we not seek parity at the minimum with the other legs of the tripodal polity in order to fully
sustain the state that is Nigeria? The current rigid, myopic, and closed-door policies do not lend themselves to
any meaningful  proposals from the "oha" or people. The political leadership of Ohaneze must
yield to a younger generation that can provide an open door to "oha", and infuse a required sense of
dynamism and flexibility in the political chess game that governs our collective fate. The correct leadership will
provide the required will before there can be a way out. It does not matter about about Igbo-enwe-eze, the Nigeria-Biafra
civil war, republicanism, money over unity, and all other reasons people care to come up with. A leadership that
is willing to seek meaningful input from the people it represents will be able to gather, glean and generate good
ideas and strategies about executing a well-defined and fecund Igbo agenda. It is only after this is achieved that
we can begin to talk about things like reining in people working against the larger Igbo interest. In the absence
of a well defined, packaged, and marketed Igbo agenda, how can one really expect these people to subserve to a
non-existent agenda/plan? Is it any wonder then that the chairman of Ohanaeze's political committee became the
chairman of the Obasanjo/Atiku Re-Election committee in the South East zone? Without a well defined Igbo agenda,
leadership, stanchion, and strategic plan, the current 2003 discordant tunes we are singing will no doubt grow
into a deafening dissonant crescendo in the years to come.
One proposal is for the current leadership of Ohanaeze to expand the scope of its focus to forging an Igbo agenda
or charter similar to the Marshall plan, which will define us as an Igbo nation with an identity, direction, unified
voice, will, and strategy. This should be the primary focus of the Igbos in the wake of the last primaries. Given
the fact that none of the six Igbo presidential candidates is running on the platform of any of the 3 largest parties,
total focus on a post-primaries consensus candidate as the sole Igbo agenda can turn into a self-defeatist measure,
and thereby prolong the Igbo presidency project and marginalization of the Igbos for another 12 years at a minimum.
This assessment presupposes 4 more years of Obasanjo and 8 years of Atiku Abubakar. What frightening prospects
from the premier leadership organization of the Igbos. Is national attention to injustice of Igbo exclusion from
the presidency all that we seek? While this might be true for the current leadership crop of Ohaneze, the oha pronouncements
and actions such as the numerous presidential candidates belie that, and show an overwhelming desire to actualize
a South East President. To achieve this, I will quote Prof A.B.C Nwosu's statement that "Igbo politics requires
better planning, strategizing in the short and medium terms, and that we as a people (Ndigbo) should be more diplomatic
and politically calculating." This is the oha demand from the apex organization that represents it. Is it
not ironic that oha comes before eze in the organization's name, Oha-na-Eze?
It is noteworthy that the Yoruba have a speaking voice and sanctioning power in the AD. This party can articulate
and executive a cohesive vision for the Yoruba interest piloted by Afenifere. The current almost secret AD/PDP
pact is an example of that. Likewise, the Hausa/Fulani can use either the PDP or ANPP to execute a fruitful Northern
agenda piloted by Arewa. For the Igbo, the ability to speak with a unified voice and prolifically execute a larger
Igbo interest piloted by Ohanaeze is sabotaged by the lack of a platform to achieve our goals. As a result, the
pilot lacks the ability to steer the ethnic group successfully to its desired destination, through the stormy clouds
of the PDP political Igbo hatchet men.
One way to develop the power in the political arena then, is to adopt an Igbo party platform that will serve to
promote a political vision and agenda for the Igbo. This platform can be developed to be the South East voice through
a strong protest showing in the polls, starting with next month's elections and peaking in the 2007 elections.
With proper planning and execution, this four-year time frame is enough to get our house in order. This will enable
us to be able to actualize the presidential project in the shortest feasible time, which is 2007. A strong grassroots-based
moderating party can by its very nature of a strong united personality, rein in the dysfunctional factors facing
us, including the already mentioned issue of political turncoats. With the dearth of party decampments in the polity,
I can foresee an osmotic pull towards the larger Igbo cause. On the current political horizon, there is no doubt
that the APGA can serve this role. This can, of course, change in the future if Ohanaeze can successfully register
a party of its own that can build cross-ethnic bridges and forge powerful alliances with other zones in the quest
for the presidency.
A clear political vision that is anchored by a purposive and cohesive leadership is the first step in actualizing
the presidency project. Good planning, strategizing, and execution form the second step. It is within the second
step that all variables in the political equation must be thoroughly analyzed.
THE IGBOS DESERVE NOTHING LESS FROM OHANAEZE NDIGBO.
Ogbonna George Nwogu
Chicago, IL
Ohanaeze Ndigbo: From Teratism
Toward a Rebirth for a Fecund Igbo Agenda
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