2007: Downplay Personalities, Address Issues- Gambari
Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari, who became Nigeria's Minister of Foreign Affairs at the age of 39 and the longest serving Nigeria's Permanent Representative to the United Nations (UN), having served for ten years from 1989 to 1999, is currently U.N Under Secretary and Special Adviser on African Affairs to Mr. Kofi Annan, UN Secretary-General. In an interview with Deji Elumoye, Gambari bares his mind on efforts by the United Nations to end all the crises in Africa. Back home, he berated the political class for failure to embark on the reformation of the polity while also advocating conferences to discuss fundamental issues in the country
As a Nigerian and former Foreign Affairs Minister, are you not bothered that Bakassi is ceded to Cameroon?
As a Nigerian, I will like every part of the country that we claim should be part of Nigeria. Now but as an international civil servant, I am proud of one thing which is that Mr. Kofi Anan saw the tragedy in Ethiopia, Eritrea, where they were fighting over the demarcation of the territory. Do you know that over 60,000 people died and they spent about one billion Dollars in prosecuting this war and these are two desperately poor countries in Africa. So bearing that in mind, the Secretary-General took the initiative and said, let us see how the Africans can resolve other problems peacefully. What can the UN do, what can he himself do to assist and he took two actions and came to Bakassi immediately. And beyond Bakassi, there is an entire delimitation of the boundary between us and Cameroon all the way to the north to Chad. You took the case to court and when you take a case to court, the International Court of Justice, there are two possibilities, you can win or you can lose and nobody forces people to take the case to court. The Secretary-General in anticipation of the ruling called a meeting of the two leaders and looked for how to handle the issue so that it does not produce the same kind of result we saw in Ethiopia/Eritrea, and the two leaders looked for how to handle the issue so that it does not produce the same kind of result we saw in Ethiopia/Eritrea, and the two leaders agreed that they will accept and abide by the result of the court and when the result now came, as Nigerians, we are not terribly happy but we must not forget that there are some other parts of Cameroon that are ceded to Nigeria. So you have to look at it as a total package. In any case, the UN Secretary-General decided with the consent of the two parties to set up a mixed commission to implement the decision of the court because it's not a self-implementing decision by the International Court of Justice.
He appointed his Special Representative to West Africa, Ambassador Abudalla to be the chairman of the commission, which comprises the Nigerian delegation led by Prince Bola Ajibola and the Camerounian team led by its Minister of Justice and their meeting has been progressing in a very positive manner. And by the way the behaviour of Nigerians and Cameroon is being held as an example of how we can peacefully resolve conflict. So I believe as an international civil servant, working with Mr. Kofi Annan this is the best way out because no matter who wins or loses, you cannot choose your neighbours. You can choose your friends, we will still remain the neighbour of Cameroon irrespective of where the decision went. So a good neighbourliness relationship policy is very essential for both of us because we are compelled to live together as neigbours. This is the way I see it. I think we should stress the positive. It is a bitter pill to swallow.
Some politicians seem to have flagged off their campaign for the 2007 presidential elections, especially the retired generals. Don't you think this is too early?
The issue of who and who are vying for the presidency is a non-issue. Why is the noise about Babangida, Atiku, Marwa or others. Are they the only important persons and why the discussion about them? Is it the same business as usual in 2007? They are going to get results as usual. But if you don't want the same result in 2007, you must now begin to think about the fundamentals and not be diverted by what appears to be very simplistic analysis of the Nigerian condition. Who is going to carry on the reform which President Obasanjo has begun on the economy. Who is going to inaugurate a political reform that is comparable to the economic reform programme of this administration? We should look forward to a situation where money will play less role, so that it would not be that we have governorship for sale, presidency for sale. The political parties themselves should be agents of mobilising the people in the direction of addressing issues. Since when have you seen a political party in this country that says we are going to have a seminar on the state of our infrastructure, on the state of our security or about health or education, the National Assembly should be debating the fundamental issues. So let them inaugurate a debate about the fundamentals of this country, who is a Nigerian, what right does every Nigerian enjoy at home and abroad.
Discussing the fundamentals, are you invariably advocating a Sovereign National Conferences?
Well, that is an approach, but there are people who have problem with that. They question the word, sovereign, that we can't have two sovereigns in the same country. My own view is why must we wait till somebody says let us have a national conference either sovereign or not. Why not start a debate at the professional levels, NGOs, village levels, state levels, religious organisations, even to say where do we want our country to go; how do we get there. Therefore at the very end of it who should be our flag bearer. We can inaugurate a debate at any level at any time without waiting for anybody to say let's go because we may wait for ever and 2007 is around the corner. Essentially we have between now and the end of 2005 to try to figure out and get support and make it difficult for those who have no ideas, at all but have other things to hijack the process. After the military has been chased out by the pro-democracy forces, so the next movement is the democracy that reflects the true wish of the people and than address the fundamentals of our country and then the choice of people who will lead us in the direction that we will all agree to go.
You and 2007. Are you nursing any political ambition?
No. I am an international civil servant, but I must come back home. You cannot stay abroad for ever and also am convinced that you cannot be part of the governance of a country by being outside it. I intend fully to come back home to join others who will like to really change things in this country for the better. I want to be part of those who will want the potential of the country realised, if not in our life time, at least to lay the foundation for our children.
Your antecedent as Nigeria's longest serving Permanent Representative in the UN, having served for ten years may have influenced your present appointment, any contrary view?
In 1999 October, my tenure came to an end as Nigeria's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations, which I referred to as the longest in the history of our country, almost ten years during which I was privileged to serve as the president of the Security Council twice and served as board member of other committees. So at the end of the two tenures, Mr. Kofi Annan, whom I had known throughout this period in various capacities and later on became Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1997, asked me to come and assist in the secretariat for my long tenure and experience in various capacities of the UN work. Of course, I didn't have any alternative offer except there was a university in the United States that wanted me to come in as a part time professor and I jumped at this opportunity. This position does not exist before. It was created for me as Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on Africa based in New York and on a full time basis.
What does your responsibility entail as an Under Secretary and Special Adviser to the U.N. Secretary-General?
My assignment is to be a special one, anything that needs to be done in Africa. It did begin with the crisis in Angola. I was his point man in Angola and I travelled extensively to Southern Africa. Many times I came to consult with President Olusegun Obasanjo and also of course went to Angola to try to assist the NPLA government and UNITA to bring the terrible war to a conclusion. Upon my return, he decided to expand my office, which used to be largely on peace and security to include social and economic development and to deal with this broader issue of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). He has also given me additional responsibility of co-ordinating the writing of the major report to the General-Assembly by the secretariat on behalf of the Secretary-General, co-ordinating the United Nations' system support for Africa's development in general and to NEPAD in particular and finally to be in charge of co-ordinating global advocacy in support of NEPAD.
Finally, of course, he still reserved the right to send me on special missions and one of this was when I came here last February as a special envoy on this polio eradication and met with almost all former heads of state and the current president and his Minister of Health, Professor Eyitayo Lambo, the Sultan of Sokoto in his capacity as the chairman of Jamal-Nasir-Islam, the governors of Sokoto and Kano and the people who were involved in this controversy about the safety of the polio vaccine. I am grateful to God and thankful to the government of Nigeria, UNICEF, WHO that the mission was successful and of course the governor of Sokoto, Bauchi, Emir of Kano, were extremely helpful and the Emir of Ilorin, who was also a facilitator. At the end of the mission, I reported back to the Secretary-General, who was very pleased because soon after the mission, almost all the northern states resumed the polio immunisation so these are the kind of special assignments I still do on behalf of the Secretary-General.
As African representative to the UN Secretary-General, the war in Sudan must be a major concern to you in spite of the step by President Olusegun Obasanjo as chairman of the African Union to resolve the crisis. What is the UN doing in this regard?
First, I must say that the premise which all these started is that there can be no development in Africa without peace and we know that one of the reasons that Africa is behind in development is precisely because in the last several years, the continent has been dominated by too many conflicts. In fact, about four years ago, there were about seventeen conflicts in Africa at various levels. Obviously, there is no way in which you can develop in that atmosphere because you need domestic and foreign investment and who is going to invest in the continent that is perceived as endemic in conflict. So to resolve African conflict and problems has been one of the key priorities of Mr. Kofi Anan. You remember the classic, very famous how the report of cause of conflict in Africa and the path to peace and sustainable development, that was 1998 and it still remains very relevant today, so how to resolve those conflicts became his number one priority and as you now know, Angola, which is one of Africa's longest running conflict is now resolved, there has not been a single shot fired in violation of the cease fire agreement.
Now, Sudan was also one of Africa's longest, if not the longest running conflict and with the help of the United States, we have to acknowledge that and the United Nations and the African Union that the North-South conflict that has gone on for decades is now on the verge of being resolved, to the extent that the Security Council of the United Nations has now decided to authorise an advance team of peace keepers to try to help bring the peace process to a successful conclusion.
Now, as that was going on very well, then you had the crisis in Dafur which tends to now detract from the tremendous progress that has been made in respect to the central conflict in Sudan. We now have a situation whereby the worst humanitarian crisis in the world is in western Dafur. The Secretary-General has taken personal interest in this matter, he has gone there and at the end of his visit, he then came to Addis Ababa for the African Union summit conference. So, there is a coincidence of efforts on the part of the United Nations, on the part of the United States and some of the donor countries, but about all on the part of the African Union because this is a test. They are saying they are very serious now about holding leaders accountable for their activities, pair review, peace and security council African standby for wealth, this is a test case of what the Africans are able to do. So, working with the Secretary-General, the Africans then decided to send observers to western Sudan, Dafur and also a protection force to Dafur to protect the observers. But above all, as a result of their efforts, the Security Council now waded in and passed a resolution given the government of Sudan a 30 + 30 days during which the Secretary-general has to report that the Sudanese government has made effort to implement what they agree to, which is to renege the gaugerwe which are the irregular militia and allow free movement of humanitarian supply and prevent the terrorism of the local civilian population by these gangerwe.
So the eyes of the world are on the government of Sudan to make good on its promises. I think President Obasanjo himself, I understand, went to Sudan recently, appointed Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar the former Head of State, as special envoy and went there. I think what everybody is saying is that let as much pressure be put to bear on the government of Sudan and the messages be the same to make them take on their own responsibility, because protecting the lives and property of the people is a fundamental duty of the government. So this is where we are and the very fact that the Secretary-General Mr. Kofi Anan went there himself, Collin Powell, the American Secretary of State was there and then President Obasanjo in his capacity as the chairman of African Union went there, shows the concern of all and I think the pressure is now on the Sudanese government to bring the matter under control.
Following the ultimatum given by the United Nations to bring the crisis under control, the Sudanese government, in its reaction, described the ultimatum as a declaration of war by the UN. How do you react to this?
I have had some kind of more positive responses from them to say well, they feel that perhaps, the Security Council may have been hasty, that there was an agreement that they signed with the UN Secretary-General Mr. Kofi Anan and that time should be given for that agreement to be implemented and as it is a very complex issue that they needed time. Nonetheless, even though they are not happy with the resolution, they are going to try to comply. I think that is the right way to follow because why is the security council doing this, if they didn't, some Africans might accuse the Security Council of double standard, that when it comes to Kosovo and conflict elsewhere, they respond but when it comes to Africa, they are silent or they are slow. I think it is important now to just get to the bottom of the issue and protect the lives and property of the people so that they can return to the places of their abode and the activities of these militia be brought to a halt because a lot of people believed this was a creation of the Sudanese government and what you create you can also dismantle.
The asylum granted former Liberian President, Mr. Charles Taylor by President Obasanjo has continued to generate condemnation and moreso as the international community is demanding his release for trial. What is the latest development?
I think this is part of the promising development in Africa which I mentioned earlier. You remember I mentioned there were about seventeen conflicts in about four, five years ago; then you now have a situation where the main conflict in Sudan, apart from Dafur, is being resolved, Angola is now at peace, the Democratic Republic of Congo, which was described as Africa's First World War, there is much success in the peace process, to the extent that they are even talking about election in 2005 except in Hituri and Eastern Congo where peace needs to be secured, Sierra Leone, which used to contain the largest single peace keeping mission is now at peace, Burundi also there is progress towards peace. So Liberia was a big junk that has to be addressed and with the exit of Charles Taylor, the condition for peace has substantially improved to the extent that the United Nations now authorised the United Nations Peace-Keeping Operations, called United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) which is now the largest single peace-keeping operation in the world, 15,000 troops which is a commitment to help consolidate the process.
So, Nigeria now as it is, following these understanding between all these key players to keep Charles Taylor, and at the last African Union summit meeting a resolution was passed to say they would call on the international community to show understanding on the issue and to commend the government of Nigeria for being the one that took the risk of getting Charles Taylor out for peace sake. But as the tension continues, I believe that nobody wants a situation of impunity that Charles Taylor or anybody would be accused of terrible things and go scot free. But on the other hand, one has to be concerned about how to just bring peace to this country and the presence of Charles Taylor was regarded as impediment to peace and whoever then agreed to take him in to give peace a chance deserves some commendation.
Now, there is a tension between those who want justice immediately and would like Charles Taylor to be surrendered to the Special Court in Sierra Leone and those who felt the exit of Taylor was a carefully orchestrated action involving the African Union, the ECOWAS and the United States. So, his exit was a condition for United States' assistance which was essentially because United States pays almost.
The need for restoration of peace in Liberia cannot be traded for anything else should Charles Taylor be spared on the basis of this bearing complaints by victims of his genocide act?
I think there feeling is understandable. It is also often realised that apart from those who lost their relatives in Liberia, the kind of atrocities that the RUF committed against, not just Liberians but against Nigerian troops, find out how many Nigerians died in January of 1999. If we were under a civilian government then, it will have been a problem for such government rising from the number of Nigerians killed by RUF, who are believed to be aided and supported by Charles Taylor. So not just those number of Nigerians that were killed directly or alleged to have been killed on the orders of Charles Taylor but the hundreds who died in the hands of the RUF.
So there is a lot of case to be answered by Charles Taylor but I think it is a question of timing, not whether but when Charles Taylor will answer the questions.
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