Power-sharing, not power-shift
By Anthony Akinola
A SPRAWLING mansion belonging to a Nigerian in one of the northern cities was flashed on a television channel recently. Its opulence so captured all eyes that one had to enquire about the owner from a friend who hails from that geographical area of the country. The friend told us that the owner (name withheld) is a wealthy businessman who once owned two Rolls Royce cars in London, and was chauffeur-driven by a white European. "He is no longer as rich as he was in the 1990s because 'power-shift' meant he has not been getting as many contracts as he used to when his northern friends in the military were in power". "This power-shift thing", I cut in, and we all laughed.
"Power-shift" is a misnomer in the context of domestic politics. The concept suggests that new owners of political power, if they so choose, could use it to the detriment of those out of it. The concept is more appropriate in describing a situation in global politics whereby, because of economic, military or demographic changes, one super-power has declined while another has emerged or become dominant. Ideally, in a presidential system of the American type that we operate, the power of state is shared responsibly between the three arms of government " the executive, the legislative and the judicial. In the political history of America, one arm of government has proved to be more dominant than the others at some given time, and this could be attributed to factors which include the personalities of political actors and the political climate in which the nation finds itself. The fact that the position of president 'rotates' from one region of Nigeria to the other would not mean that power has shifted to the region where the president belongs.
Rotation or no rotation, the president cannot be a member of more than one ethnic group at a time. A region becomes dominant or dominating if it incubates on the presidency or leadership position and makes it look like a property or patrimony, as was the case with the North for many years until 1999. The domination of the North, which made the presidency something of a concession to the South in 1999, gave birth to what is now known as power-shift in Nigeria's political dictionary.
Those who dismiss the idea of a rotational presidency out of hand are not being realistic about the nature of our ethnic divisions and the very history of our inter-ethnic conflicts since independence in 1960. They talk about getting "the best man or woman for the job when they know what is best in Nigeria is in "the ethnic eye of the beholder". Such a best person cannot be a man or woman of limited financial means, or an indigene of a minority ethnic group from the South-South geo-political grouping. How do you get the best out of a situation where each of our geo-political zones is "fighting" over the same position at the same time One admires Professor Ben Nwabueze for being forthright about the quest for "Igbo presidency". According to him, the question of Igbo seeking the presidency is psychological, it is not something that developing Igbo roads by someone else can take away from them.
There is no doubt that "zoning" is already showing a positive side. Most people are no longer preoccupied with ethnic political parties because of the realisation that such parties can hardly achieve their groups' objective or ambition. Instead, they now seek their advantages within the context of supra-ethnic political parties. The days of NCNC/NPP for Igbo, NPC/NPN for Hause-Fulani and AG/UPN for the Yoruba may be behind us, thanks to the centralising influence of the presidential institution and the decision to zone the presidency in 1999.
With zoning, emphasis seems to have shifted to debates over the personalities of those who agree to lead us. Already the literature on the suitability or otherwise of General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida to be presidential candidate or president in 2007 is growing by the day. To add further to the literature, one may compare his dilemma, as it should be in the eyes of decent people, to that of Senator Edward Kennedy of the United States of America. Like the rock of Gibraltar, the "Chappaquiddick affair" stood permanently between Edward Kennedy and the White House. Senator Kennedy, then a relatively young man, had been involved in an accident in which his lady companion drowned. He left the scene of the accident and, probably out of fear, failed to report the incident to the appropriate authorities, thereby raising an indelible question mark about his character and sense of judgement. The Americans say he cannot be trusted. Babangida has quite a few more serious Chappaquiddick-like episodes tattooed all over his face but those "smugglers" who aspire to return with him as our new "customs officials" are not scared; to them, his is the darling face of Nigerian politics. It is all about standards and societal values.
What has happened between August 26, 1993 and today that could easily have made a nation of supposedly-conscientious and proud people forget that one of their own was murdered by a parcel bomb in 1986, that one smart Alec led a 'raid' which deprived them of a colossal sum of $12 billion in 1991, and that, in June 1993, they were collectively fooled by an election which ab initio was not meant to be an election by the one who contrived it Assuming that we forgive these heinous crimes, as we are not incapable of doing, is 'reward for the offender' the package that must also go with our forgiveness
In 1999, the "ethnic card" went missing in choosing between Olusegun Obasanjo and Olu Falae, both from the South-West. It is competently projected that the ethnic card would become permanently outdated in future elections if rotational presidency is entrenched in our national constitution and that would be some science coming from Africa! The future of the Nigerian nation calls for urgent discussion. The idea of state creation and that of the demarcation of the Nigerian federation into six geo-political zones is, among other things, to re-orientate us from the disruptive North/South mentality. Unfortunately, some of our political leaders seem unable or unwilling to wean themselves away from the Lugardian cum Ahmadu-Bello "One North, One People, One Destiny" erstwhile philosophy. The way forward is to give administrative recognition to the geo-political zones and let South and North become something of a mere geographical expression as it is with most nations of the world. One would rather see a political arrangement in which the zones are co-operating and sharing power than a situation where power is shifting between two rival zones.
Mr. Akinola lives in Oxford, England.
