Beyond Dariye�s reinstatement
THE six-month state of emergency imposed on Plateau State ended last month with the return of Governor Joshua Dariye and members of the State House of Assembly. Opposed as we were to the extreme constitutional measure at the time of its declaration, it is nevertheless gratifying that the interregnum has brought relative peace to Plateau State. Once a citadel of frictionless co-existence among Nigerians of diverse ethic groups, Plateau in recent years erupted in an orgy of ethno-religious violence, with thousands killed and property worth billions of naira destroyed.
The emergency Administrator, Major-Gen Chris Alli (rtd), takes full credit for taming the wanton violence, especially in the tinder-box councils of Yelwa and Shendam. He followed up with a disarmament programme of guns-for-cash, which has at least reduced the size of the illegal armouries that stoked previous conflicts. The administrator also organised peace conferences in various parts of the state, at which venues indigenes and non-indigenes alike articulated their grievances and, of their own volition, agreed on the way forward to an encore of peaceful co-existence.
Part of the immediate and long-term challenge of the reinstated administration of Governor Dariye and the legislators is to capitalise on the gains of the peace conferences as a basis for delivering the desired goods of governance. The reinstated government equally has the benefit of the reports of earlier judicial commissions of inquiry which had been in abeyance.
For Dariye, in particular, his six-month suspension, though still a subject of litigation, was enough time for him to reflect on his style of administration since he first came into office in 1999. Clearly, if he had been more astute, the security situation would have not deteriorated the way it did. While imposing the state of emergency, President Obasanjo alleged a litany of omissions on Dariye's part.
Among them was the governor's perceived non-chalance, even encouragement of causes that precipitated the strife. Arguable as those issues were six months ago, Dariye would do himself and the people a lot of good if he refrained from those acts of omission that compromised his ability to tackle the crisis in the state.
Before his suspension, Dariye had earned a reputation for gallivanting around the world, thus abandoning the crucial task of running a government, the purpose for which he was elected. In such circumstance of distraction, it was no surprise that Dariye could not serve his people well. He should sit down now to do his job. Alternatively, let him take the honourable exit by voluntarily relinquishing his position.
Should he decide to stay, Nigerians expect a far higher level of probity and transparency from Dariye's administration. Indeed, the onus is on Dariye to prove, by exemplary conduct, that the allegations of graft bandied about him were not true after all. However, part of the onus of proving his innocence entails facing up to the knotty legal and constitutional issues that came to light during his suspension. While in London, he was questioned by the Metropolitan Police, over allegations of money laundering arising from the funds found in some of his private accounts and on him.
In breach of the Constitution, he also allegedly maintained foreign bank accounts, a matter now being investigated by the Code of Conduct Tribunal. In both cases, Dariye must assist the requisite law enforcement agencies, whether in the United Kingdom or in Nigeria. Similarly, we expect the agencies to expedite their work and reach the conclusions that their investigations lead them to, without a long-drawn-out procedure that could be used as an object of blackmail once Dariye is perceived as being stubborn. If he has a case to answer, to the extent allowed by the constitutional immunity clause, let him answer his charges.
The circumstances of Dariye's reinstatement, along with other democratic structures, are instructive enough to warrant a note of caution against exuberant celebration. Evidently, the Federal Government did not seem disposed to Dariye's return, a fact scarcely disguised by President Obasanjo during his recent radio interview. Hence, on the eve of the expiration of the six-month state of emergency, agencies of the Federal Government mounted a campaign against Dariye.
In a replay of the video-showing theatre of the discredited Abacha years, the Federal Government mounted video clips showing Dariye's interrogation by the police in London, together with purported details of his foreign bank accounts. Unfortunately for the sponsors of the videos, the strategy backfired and earned unwarranted sympathy for Dariye. That, coupled with the strong lobby by some prominent Plateau indigenes, among them, former Head of State Gen. Yakubu Gowon, eased the path for the re-entry of Dariye and others. Since then, the state legislature, which could ordinarily be relied upon to investigate the allegations against the governor and proceed to unseat him, if the charges are true, has demurred. That should not be so.
Whatever the misdeeds of the governor, the lawmakers who constitute a vital arm of government must not be seen to be in cahoots with the executive branch. Whenever the euphoria of the moment clears, the lawmakers will have to confront the task of being a check on the executive.
Until then, it is important that the Federal Government lend appropriate support to the Plateau government. Upon his suspension last May, Dariye had complained that he did not get sufficient back-up from the central government. Conversely, the Administrator, Gen. Alli (rtd), chalked up his accomplishments because he received props from Abuja. These should not be denied Dariye and his team.
