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DAILY TRIUMPH-Apostasy between theology and politics: A brief response to Ibrahim Waziri

      

                                                                                        MONDAY, DECEMBER 13, 2004

   
     

Apostasy between theology and politics: A brief response to Ibrahim Waziri

By Sanusi Lamido Sanusi

I have just read Ibraheem Waziri�s article that was ostensibly a rejoinder to my earlier paper, �Religious Discrimination in Muslim Laws: Replying Christian Criticism.� It is not my intention to reply to the many long passages in his paper that had at little or no bearing on the content of mine, nor do I intend to go into any digressions on �secularism� or �modernism�, even though the objective of giving labels and making attacks ad hominem is obvious to me, as it should be to all discerning readers. As for the comments on Christianity, my purpose in writing my paper was neither to attack Christians nor to go into apologetics for Islam. I sought merely to improve interreligious understanding, something we seem to be in dire need of in Nigeria, what with born-again Christian evangelists and fundamentalist Wahhabi elements having a field day in shaping attitudes and religious identities in contemporary Nigeria. The discussion on this therefore had but tenuous links to my paper.

Let mew first of all remind readers that I had indicated in my paper that nothing in it was entirely original. Many of the debates around apostasy are well-known to students of Muslim Law. The question of whether the death punishment prescribed in Ibn Abbas� hadith is a fixed (hadd) or discretionary (ta�zir) punishment is discussed at length in the literature. I refer Waziri to Ibn Hajr�s commentary on the hadith in Fathul Bari, as well as other commentaries such as Imam al-Shaukani�s Naylul Autar. I have also referred in my paper to Sarakshi�s al-Mabsut, Ibn Qudamah�s al-Mughni and Ibn Taimiya�s al-Sarim al-Maslul. Some works in English that make reference to early sources include El-Awa�s Punishment in Islamic Law and Mohammed Hashim Kamali�s Freedom of Expression in Islam.

The principal point in jurisprudence is the following, as I tried to explain clearly in my paper: Is the punishment for apostasy in Islam the death penalty as a hadd (fixed) punishment or is the punishment discretionary (ta�zir)? A number of related points come up in jurisprudence. First, if apostasy is taken as a crime against God (a religious offence) and the hadith of Ibn �Abbas is taken as punishment for this religious offence, then according to the rules governing hudud this punishment must be carried out once the matter has been established before the Imam. This is the case with other hudud like robbery, theft and adultery. If, on the other hand, this sentence can be set aside after the judgement of the Imam, then the punishment is not fixed, but discretionary. Ibn Taimiya preferred the death sentence for apostasy, but he made it clear that he considered the punishment discretionary, as compared with, say, abusing the Prophet ( or any of the prophets), which carries the death penalty as a fixed one. This position (that the penalty is a ta�zir penalty) is also taken by Ibn al-Qayyim in view of the major differences among scholars on the interpretation of the hadith.

Secondly, if the crime of apostasy is a religious crime and the punishment is for the fact of changing faith, then it would be immaterial if the apostate is male or female. But we have shown that not only the Hanafites, but Ibn �Abbas himself, held that women apostates should not be killed. So we have a situation in which scholars have ruled that 1) an apostate should be given the opportunity to repent and if he does he should not be killed and 2) according to some a woman apostate should not be killed. These two positions are sufficient to establish that the punishment is not a fixed punishment and it is not for the act of renunciation alone, which is a religious offence.

The surprise to me is that Waziri, in writing his long piece on my paper, actually contradicts himself on various points. For example, after criticizing my argument that the death penalty is for sedition and treason, he concludes his own argument with the following words: �In my opinion and based on the aforementioned, if an apostate is to be spared in anyway it is after signing a contract with the Muslim ummah that he will not fight them in anyway possible�! Apart from the obvious question as to the basis for this very modernist opinion, one must wonder why an apostate should be spared on signing such a contract if the punishment was not for sedition against the ummah! Surely if the punishment for apostasy is for the religious crime of leaving the faith then signing such a contract ought not be a basis for setting it aside. Similarly, although the entire thrust of Waziri�s paper is to the effect that the death penalty for apostasy is fixed, not discretionary, he makes the following averment: ��.I believe our preceding arguments answered all except that of a woman. That I believe should be left to the discretion of the Islamic state, if the woman apostate represents serious danger to the cohesion of the Muslim ummah by her known traits, then she should be put to death�..�! One wonders why Waziri bothered to write a rejoinder at all if he is in such complete agreement with me. The problem of course, I suspect, is in a lack of understanding of Muslim jurisprudence. There will always be human beings who must write to �defend� Islam against �modernists� even if this means subjecting themselves to ridicule.

Take for example the following points made by Waziri in his paper.

�Ayatollah Mutahhari and by extension(sic) Mahmud Shaltut are those modern scholars who tried to read Islam, Qur�an and Sunna using the paradigm provided by the secularists, materialists (sic) western scholars. Mutahhari in many of his writing(sic) admitted being a Marxist.�!

Sometimes I wonder why I waste my time responding to some critics, but I have to because there is so much ignorance in our society people can get away with blue murder! I doubt that anyone familiar with the intellectual history of contemporary Iranian scholarship will view with seriousness a person that sees Ayatollah Murtadha Mutahhari as a modernist/secularist. I do not know which of the �many of his writing� Waziri read to make him come to this conclusion. Is it his magnum opus, al-�Adl al-Ilahi, or his many lectures and seminars in the days leading up to the Iranian revolution? Mutahhari was Khomeini�s right-hand man and was considered the leading ideologue of the clerical wing of page 2 the revolution, fighting against the liberal and secular forces that also wanted the overthrow of the Shah. Mutahhari, as we all know, led the fierce criticism of the Iranian ulama against the Marxist Ali Shari�ati whom he considered a �poisonous deviationist� who was dividing the ummah along class lines. Mutahhari�s intellectual schema was based on the argument that Islam is not a �class struggle�, and that the ummah was a community united be its beliefs with difference only based on the fear of God. For some education on the various and conflicting intellectual currents in revolutionary Iran, including the conflict between the conservative axis led by Khomeini/Mutahhari and the Marxist axis led by Shari�ati, I refer Waziri to my �Shariacracy in Nigeria: The Intellectual Roots of Islamist Discourses� available on gamji.com. I would request Waziri to please give us the references to Mutahhari�s writings in which he referred to himself as a Marxist. (Incidentally, I am ideologically opposed to Mutahhari and believe Shari�ati had a better analysis of Iranian political economy than the clerics-but this is neither here nor there). The same argument applies to the unscholarly use of the phrase �by extension�, linking Mutahhari with Shaltut. The former was a Shiite Ayatollah. The latter was (is?) Sunni and the Grand Shaykh of al-Azhar-so what precisely does the phrase signify? This is all coming from a person who purports to give me a lesson in how to make �scholarly� arguments!

This brings me to a number of unsubstantiated arguments put up by Waziri, quite apart from these fabrications. Waziri argues that the verse (4:137), �Those who believe, then disbelieve, then believe again, then disbelieve�..� is evidence that an apostate can be given the chance to repent. My request to him (I will not use the term challenge) is to produce evidence from one single exegesis among early scholars that gives this interpretation to this verse. What traditional exegetes have done is to say that the verse refers to Jews who believed (in Moses) then disbelieved (when they worshipped the Golden Calf), then believed (in Moses after that) and then disbelieved (by rejecting Jesus) and increased in disbelief (by rejecting the Prophet of Islam). A second example is where, confronted by the report of the Prophet not killing the Bedouin who renounced his faith, Waziri somewhat disingenuously argues that the Bedouin �did not stay enough with Islam and with Muslims to be understood as one who has faith.� So now Waziri introduces even more rules. How long, pray, does a man/woman who joins Islam have to remain a Muslim before this tradition becomes applicable? One week, one month, one year? With how many Muslims does he have to live so as to be �understood as one who has faith� and who is responsible for this understanding?

It is those who reject the plain message of the Qur�an in so many verses and try to interpret all those Qur�anic verses in a manner that suits their interpretation of a single tradition (khabr wahid) who are guilty of �semantic gymnastics.�

The Real Issue

The real issue is the following. Islam is a religion that is based on a call to humanity to freely abandon worship of deities other than the One True God and to accept the message of His prophet Muhammad as revealed to him in the Qur�an. This faith is voluntary, and a human being cannot be forced to have faith. A paerson who displays Islam but conceals unbelief is a hypocrite and this is the worst breed of human being according to the Qur�an. I have given examples of verses of the Qur�an that clearly show that accepting the message is supposed to be a voluntary act of faith and that the Prophet cannot force humans to believe. I have also shown that in the time of the prophet and the companions people were known to have left the religion but they were not killed.

Now the whole debate on the death punishment for apostasy is based on a tradition reported by Ibn �Abbas, �he who changes his religion, kill him� which I discussed at length in my paper. The simple fact that there is so much dispute around the correct interpretation of that tradition and its full implications is sufficient pointer to its problematic nature. Given the obvious contradiction between the apparent meaning of this tradition and the principle of freedom of religion in the Qur�an it seems to me that the options before a Muslim confronted with this situation are the following:

We can reject the tradition and its authority, either by questioning its authenticity or by refusing to allow a single report be the basis for negating Qur�anic injunctions. This would be a position taken by, for example, a sceptic as to the authenticity of tradition;

Secondly, we can deny that freedom of religion is absolute in Islam. This is what Waziri has done by arguing that one is free to join Islam or not join, but that once he joins he loses the right to leave the faith. This is the interpretation given the hadith by many scholars, and it remains today the official position of Wahhabism. It is an interpretation that defies reason, because it presumes that a man can be forced to believe, or that Islam values hypocrisy and would prefer that an unbeliever pretend to believe in God because of fear of the state than that he openly and honestly state that he does not believe. But as we have seen, this claim is refuted by the action of the Prophet himself and his companions�;

Third, we can interpret the tradition in a manner that is consistent with revelation and reason. In doing this we would be taking a leaf from the Mu�tazilites, many of whose best teachings have been abandoned due to the manner in which they have been demonized by Hanbalite/Wahhabite literalists in particular. In his systematic text on Mu�tazilite thought, Kitab al-Usul al-Khamsa, the great Mu�tazilite al-Qadi �Abd al-Jabbar discussed the question of the validity of tradition. The Mu�tazilites accept multiple reports (Akhbar Mutawatira) in matters of religion (diyanat/usul). They also accept single reports (Akhbar Ahad) in matters of Law so long as they are authentic. In this they are in full agreement with most Schools of Law. What interests me is the Qadi�s position on traditions such as this one reported by Ibn �Abbas, traditions that are �transmitted in conflict with the Book and rational evidence�. Such traditions, he writes, �we will interpret in a sound manner, just as we interpret the Book of God in accord with rational proof, not with that which is in conflict with it.�

This is all I have tried to do in my article. I have not claimed that my position is the only possible interpretation of the tradition. I have not accused scholars, as Waziri mischievously suggests, of ignorance of the Qur�an. I have not pretended that my chosen interpretation is the view of the majority of early jurists, even if it is held by many contemporary scholars. What I have said, is that in my opinion, this interpretation is that which is most consistent with the message of the Qur�an and the proofs of reason. I therefore repeat my position for clarity:

That faith in Islam is voluntary and all persons are free to accept or reject the message and they do not lose this freedom because they accept it;

That an apostate does not have the right to undermine the community and destabilize it with false propaganda. If he/she does then in law such a person has committed a criminal offence that is punishable with, in the extreme, the death penalty, subject to the judgement of the Imam as to the extent of damage done;

That an apostate or even a Muslim who abuses the Prophet or any of God�s prophets deliberately has committed a crime with the fixed punishment of death in Islamic Law.

Apostasy, therefore, is a political offence in criminal law, punishable when accompanied by sedition. I will not repeat the arguments I made in my paper and the sources here. The reader is advised to read that paper for details. I rest my case.

Sanusi can be reached at [email protected]

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