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 Daily
Independent Online.
* Friday, July 02, 2004.
Sokoto Caliphate: An anniversary and its political undercurrents
For two days, Nigeria, literarily speaking, stood still when the
scions of Sheik Shehu Usman Dan Fodiyo celebrated the bicentenary
anniversary of the founding of the Sokoto Caliphate. On the face value,
it was an anniversary that gave credence to the opinion held by not a few
that whenever the Caliphate sneezed, the rest of the country caught flu.
But Ikechukwu Amaechi, Group
Politics Editor, who covered the events, writes that the statement
made by those who decided to stay away may be more significant than that
made by those who attended.
It was
a carnival. The government of Sokoto State pulled all the stops to ensure
that nothing was left to chance. At the end of the day, the grand
all-emirate Durbar, which was the grand finale of the almost six months
celebrations of the bicentenary anniversary of the Sokoto Caliphate and
which took place at the Shehu Kangiwa Square in Sokoto, lived up to its
billing.
Bookmakers
had predicted long before the date that the ceremony would be an
assemblage of who is who in Nigeria. To be sure, the event, which was
being celebrated, was itself momentous. It was a celebration to mark the
bicentenary anniversary (200 years) of the day when the Muslim community
at Gudu, led by Malam Abdullahi Fodio, appointed Shehu Usman Dan Fodio as
the Amir al-Muminin (Commander of the Faithful) and paid him the bay’a
(Pledge of Allegiance) accordingly. It was this act that subsequently
evolved into a diverse polity known as the Sokoto Caliphate, comprising
over 30 emirates and sub-emirates.
Historians
are agreed on the fact that by the time of the European conquest of
Africa at the turn of the 20th century, the Caliphate had developed into
the largest indigenous polity in African history incorporating the whole
of Hausa land, a part of Borno Empire, the Niger-Benue confluence and
parts of Yoruba land and Benin Empire, with a commanding impact on and
corresponding influence, in much of West Africa.
Scholars
are also agreed that the Caliphate’s extensive political, administrative,
judicial and fiscal systems were unprecedented in the indigenous history
of Africa. Although the core of the Caliphate lies within the boundaries
of present day Nigeria, it covered an area of 250,000 square miles and
stretched as far as Nikki in Benin Republic, Ngaundere and Tibati in the
Republic of Cameroun and much of the southern part of the Niger Republic.
Its influence also extended to Segu and Masince in the Republic of Mali,
Fouata Djallon in the Republic of Guinea, Fouata Toro in the Sene-Gambia
area, Northern Ghana, Chad in Central Africa and further east into the
Republic of Sudan. As Professor Al-Amin Abu-Manga, a professor of
linguistics and scholar in the history of the Sokoto Caliphate who is now
a director of the Institute of African and Asian Studies, at the
University of Khartoum, Sudan, said, his forebears migrated from the
Sokoto Caliphate to Sudan at the turn of last century. “As a person, the
celebration is part of my history. Though I am a Sudanese, my great grand
parents migrated from here in 1903 to Sudan at the conquest of the Sokoto
Caliphate by the colonialists. The ruling family of Attahiru at that time
decided to leave this country (Sokoto Caliphate) and moved to Sudan. He
said he could not succumb to the Europeans; that he shall leave his land
and move on instead of being ruled by the Europeans. That is why I am a
Sudanese and live in Sudan, but the Sokoto Caliphate is part of my
history,” the professor, who also lectured at the Bayero University,
Kano, between 1978 and 1982, told Daily Independent at the Government
House, Sokoto, penultimate week.
Alhaji
Shehu Malami, a scion of the Caliphate and Nigeria’s first ambassador to
a post-apartheid South Africa, corroborates Professor Abu Manga’s story.
According to Malami, who bears the traditional title of Sarkin Sudan of
Wurno and who is also a cousin of Sultan Mohammed Maccido Abubakar III,
about four million Nigerians live in Sudan. “I know that we have about
four million Nigerians living in Sudan,” he said, adding: “I went out
there and inspected their ruler, Sultan Mai Wurno, who is originally from
us here. When the white people came and took over Sokoto Caliphate, some
of my people migrated to Sudan and their descendants still live there
till today. They are ruled by Sultan Mai Wurno, who is a relation of
mine.”
It is
a measure of the pervasive influence of the Caliphate and its strength in
the pre-colonial era that over a century after its overthrow by the
British colonial forces, the effects of its values, ethics,
administrative organisation and influence run through the fabric of the
national lives of many West African countries, but more so, in Nigeria.
So,
when a people with such a glorious past and legacy as President Olusegun
Obasanjo put it roll out the drums in celebration of the bicentenary
anniversary of their history, it is bound to command attention and indeed
attention it commanded.
Not
only was the Nigeria’s seat of government, literarily speaking, moved
from Abuja to Sokoto, three other presidents from the West African
sub-region, including Presidents John Kuffour of Ghana, Idris Derby of
Chad and Mahmoud Tanga of Niger Republic were on hand to add panache to
the grand Durbar. But beyond the President, Vice President Atiku
Abubakar, Senate President Adolphus Wabara, Speaker of the House of
Representatives, Alhaji Aminu Masari; Chief Justice of the Federation,
Justice Mohammed Uwais; three former Nigerian leaders, General Yakubu
Gowon, President Shehu Shagari, General Ibrahim Babangida were also in
attendance. From the South-East came such political personages as Chief
Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, Owelle Rochas Okorocha, Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu,
among others. Not only were majority of members of the National Assembly
present at the grand Durbar, almost all the governors of the Northern region
were present and of course, all the Emirs in the North except for the
Lamido of Adamawa and Emir of Bauchi who didn’t come on account of old
age.
The Caliphate in Nigeria's
post-independence politics
It
is not in doubt that the influence of the Caliphate on Nigeria’s
post-independence history is pervasive and all-encompassing. Time was
when the Caliphate would sneeze and Nigeria would catch cold politically.
Then, every Nigerian leadership was believed to draw its inspiration from
the seat of the Caliphate. Sir Ahmadu Bello, a scion of the Caliphate and
former Sardauna of Sokoto, strengthened the hold which Sokoto had on the
First Republic power levers. In a most ironic way, his assassination on
January 15, 1966, rather than weakening that hold, in fact entrenched it
particularly with the counter-coup that took place barely seven months
later in July. Subsequently, military leaders depended to a very great
extent on the support of the Caliphate to sustain themselves in power.
Its influence came rudely to the fore when after the assassination of
General Murtala Mohammed on February 13, 1976, and General Olusegun
Obasanjo became the new Head of State, the late General Shehu Musa
Yar’Adua, a scion of the Caliphate from the Katsina royal family, had to
be elevated above his superiors, including General Theophilus Danjuma, to
assume the number two position of Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters.
Not a few Nigerians believed that though Obasanjo was the de facto head
of state, in fact, Yar’Adua, with the backing of the Caliphate, ran the
show. The myth surrounding the Caliphate and its influence persisted
until General Ibrahim Babangida used the federal might to foist his
friend and business partner, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki, on the people as the
Sultan of Sokoto after the death of Sultan Abubakar. The protests that
followed Dasuki’s ascension to the Sultanate were effectively put down
even when it was obvious that the people’s choice was Alhaji Mohammed
Maccido.
Speaking
on the events of those days and the subsequent enthronement of Maccido,
Malami said in Sokoto penultimate week that, “they (people) were
disappointed, but God in His own way brought him (Maccido) back. You
can’t fight with God. He decided at a particular time to make him the
Sultan, and he is so today. We have forgotten everything that happened
before. We don’t begrudge anybody”.
The
time, which Malami said God appointed for Maccido to assume his rightful
position as the Sultan came when General Sani Abacha, in a manner that is
unprecedented in the annals of the Caliphate, deposed Dasuki, banished
him to Kaduna and installed Maccido. Though the people, who had rooted
for Maccido rejoiced, Abacha’s unprecedented action demystified the
Caliphate. Abacha made what many people hitherto thought was unthinkable
possible without much of a whimper from any quarters.
Yet,
there are some people who believed that in spite of that momentous
assault at the heart of the Caliphate, its influence on Nigeria’s
politics did not wane. To such people, the fact that President Obasanjo
declared a state of emergency in Plateau State after an ultimatum came
from the bowels of the Caliphate lends credence to the fact that its hold
on the levers of power in Nigeria remains undiminished.
So, it
was therefore not a surprise that when the Caliphate beckoned on Sunday
June 20, Nigeria and indeed some of the other West African countries
hearkened to their call.
Malami
is aware of this influence. “The heads of state who came did so in recognition
of the authority and respect of the Sultan. Such visits are a mark of
respect,” he said. But he disagrees that the Sultan dictates what happens
in Nigeria and by so doing, he drew a line between influence, authority
and power. He believes that the authority which the Sultan wields derives
more from the influence he wields due to the legitimacy and traditional
base of his authority rather than the power to coerce others. Asked how
far he thinks the Sultanate affects the major decisions in Nigeria, his
response was quite instructive. “So long as the Sultan is consulted, he
gives his opinion. If it is accepted, well and good. If not, he feels his
conscience is clear. He is consulted by anybody who needs his fatherly
advice … President Olusegun Obasanjo calls him often and he calls him
too, which is good for the country. It is good for them to discuss,”
Malami said.
He
went further to assert that unlike the insinuation in certain quarters,
the influence of the Sultan and by extension the Caliphate, rather than
waning, is very much intact. “How many people did you see at the Durbar
last Sunday?” he asked while answering a question as to whether the
Caliphate is becoming strong again in the political history of Nigeria.
Without waiting for a response, he continued: “Didn’t you see the
Presidents of Ghana, Chad and Niger? Did they come by force? They came on
their own volition, because the Caliphate covers up to their countries.
So what other influence does the Sultan or Caliphate need than that? The
Sultan calls the people to talk about what is happening in Nigeria,
Niger, Ghana, Cameroun and Africa as a whole. That is part of his
influence and genuine acceptance of his leadership.”
Looking
at the calibre of people that honoured the Caliphate’s invitation to the
celebration of the bicentenary anniversary of their history on Sunday,
June 20, it will be easy to concur with Malami that indeed rather than
the Sokoto Caliphate’s influence waning, it has become the centre of
gravity not only in Nigeria’s socio-political life but also the whole of
West Africa.
But is
that true? While the assertion may seem to be faultless, yet a closer
appraisal of the crowd that honoured the Caliphate with their presence at
the grand Durbar indicated that the resentment of the Caliphate by those
who had over the years fought its perceived hegemonistic tendency remains
as strong as ever.
The boycott and itsimplication
Though
on the face value, it would seem that the North remains the “One North,
One People” dream of Ahmadu Bello, the fact remains that in reality
nothing could be farther from the truth. The history of the North had
always been a history of strife between what may be regarded as the core
North and the Middle Belt. In the First and Second Republics, the
differences were glaring. While in the First Republic, the revolt was led
by the Joseph Tarka-led Middle Belt Congress (MBC) in the Second
Republic, the fight was spearheaded by younger elements, such as Chief
Solomon Lar. It was therefore instructive that while the National Party
of Nigeria (NPN), which was a re-incarnation of the Ahmadu Bello-led
Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) of the First Republic, won in almost all
the states in the North, the Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe-led Nigeria Peoples Party
(NPP) won in the old Plateau State with Solomon Lar as the governor. Time
and further fragmentation of the country into 36 states has not tempered
this political schism, which has most often manifested in ethno-religious
crisis in most of the North Central states.
It was
not a surprise, therefore, that those who could be regarded as the
traditional political leadership of the Middle Belt as reflected in the
tendency which Lar currently represents, boycotted the celebrations which
they saw as a celebration of 200 years of domination. Malami is not
unaware of this palpable feeling. Asked why some prominent Northerners
particularly those from the Middle Belt boycotted the anniversary, he
countered: “If they decide not to come, it is up to them. The Sultan does
not force anybody to do anything.”
Reminded
of the grumbling in certain quarters that the crisis in Plateau State
that led to the declaration of state of emergency was orchestrated by a
Caliphate that is bent on perpetuating its jihad and hegemony, he became
agitated: “That is what they said about the celebration. They said we are
trying to impose Islam on the people. But have we done that? We are celebrating something that
happened 200 years ago. Why shouldn’t we do that? Anybody who was interested
in coming was here. Others excused themselves for not coming. Nobody was
under any obligation to come.”
While
it may be true that nobody was compelled to come, a critical appraisal of
those who were in attendance would reveal that they are either Moslems
who owe their political positions in the society to the mythical
influence of the Caliphate or Christians who still believe that come
2007, the Caliphate may still define the tenor of politics in Nigeria.
Therefore, it was not surprising that among the crowd were those rumoured
to be nursing presidential ambition in 2007, including Brigadier General
Buba Marwa, General Ibrahim Babangida, Vice President Atiku Abubakar,
Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi and most of the Northern governors.
But
even to the most undiscerning political observer, the boycott among the
Northern governors was quite significant with its unmistakable religious
undercurrents. For instance, while all the Northern Moslem governors were
in attendance with their aides and a horde of supporters, none of their
Christian colleagues was in attendance. Governor George Akume of Benue
State was absent, so was Reverend Jolly Nyame of Taraba. Surprisingly,
even Governor Boni Haruna of Adamawa was also absent, and expectedly
neither the suspended Governor of Plateau State, Joshua Dariye, nor the
administrator, General Chris Alli attended.
Time
was when such a boycott would have amounted to a fatal political error.
So, does that mean that the Caliphate is losing its grip on power in
Nigeria? Malali demurs. But Alhaji Mohammed Bello Idris, the Sokoto State
director of the Waziri Junaid History and Culture Bureau, disagrees with
him. Asked if in his opinion the influence of the Caliphate is waning, he
gives a qualified answer: “Yes, I will agree with you to some extent. The
Caliphate has undergone colonisation and like any other kingdom that has
been occupied by foreigners, it is bound to have such changes. But the
basic thing is that the people were united under one religion and
political umbrella.”
But
while agreeing that the Caliphate indeed wields enormous powers in
Nigeria, a fact which he attributes to its size and population, he
however opines that the idea of domination of the Middle Belt by the
Caliphate exists only in the imagination of those who are bandying it.
“If the government should go by numbers, or population of people,
definitely the influence of the Caliphate must affect the politics of
Nigeria… But when you look at it objectively, there is nothing like
domination. I don’t agree with the view that the Caliphate is an
instrument of domination,” he explained.
On
this score, Dr. Umaru Dikko, the powerful minister of transport in the
Second Republic, concurs. In fact, to him, the reverse is the case. “The
Sokoto Caliphate is the foundation of unity in Nigeria. It is one of the
biggest empires in Africa. So, if you say Sokoto Caliphate has dominated
Nigeria, I will say that Nigeria has also dominated the Sokoto
Caliphate,” he said. He further pooh-poohs the idea of an independent
Middle Belt since, according to him, the concept is a political misnomer,
and to that extent a mere geographical expression.
Surprisingly,
this view found support in General Gado Nasko, himself a Middle Beltan
from Kotangora, Niger State. Nasko, a former military governor of Sokoto
State, who is currently the Wamba of Kotangora, advises his people to
shield their sword of opposition against the Caliphate.
But
beyond the Christian governors from the North, all the 17 Southern
governors, except Dr. Peter Odili of Rivers State and Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha
of Bayelsa State, kept their distance from the anniversary. Not even
Chief Orji Uzor Kalu, governor of Abia State, who likes flaunting his
self-acclaimed closeness to the Caliphate, attended. Most of them sent
low-key delegations instead. A source in the Sokoto Ministry of
Information affirmed that all the 36 state governors were given letters
of invitation and in good time. While they decided to keep away still
beats his imagination.
Even
other prominent political leaders from the South did not honour the
invitation. Those who attended like Alhaji Arisekola Alao, Rochas
Okorocha, Odumegwu-Ojukwu, Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu, former governor of old Abia
State and former presidential aspirant are those who allegedly owe their
political ascendancy to the Caliphate. Though Ojukwu may not fall
strictly under this category, his attendance cannot be strictly divorced
from his yet-to-wane presidential ambition.
The caliphate and 2007
Whether
the influence of the Caliphate has waned or not in Nigeria’s political calculus,
one fact remains incontrovertible and that is the fact that whoever
emerges as President Obasanjo’s successor in 2007, even if he turns out
not to be the preferred candidate of the Caliphate, will definitely not
be an enemy. It was therefore not surprising that supporters of
Babangida, Atiku and Marwa used the occasion to market their presidential
aspirations. In 1998, immediately after General Abacha’s death and
General Abdulsalami Abubakar and Ibrahim Babangida, with other top
military officers agreed that Obasanjo who was then in prison would be
the next president, their next port of call was Sokoto, the seat of the
Caliphate, to convince the Sultan. Once they got his consent, Obasanjo’s
candidacy became an easy sell, particularly in the North. Will such a
scenario play itself out in 2007?
“1999
is not 2007. The dynamics that led to the Obasanjo presidency in 1999
have changed fundamentally and despite the fact that Obasanjo has been
sympathetic to the Caliphate,
the levers of power fundamentally lies outside the Caliphate now,” said
Dr. Chijioke Iwu, a political scientist in Lagos.
So?
While arguing that the voice of the Caliphate will not be muted when the
time comes, he is also convinced that unlike in the years past, it will
not be the lone voice in Nigeria’s political terrain this time around.
“In fact, it may not even be the most influential voice in the cacophony
that is bound to ensue,” he asserted.
Even
in the North, there are new tendencies that will detract from the
influence of the Caliphate. For instance, General Muhammadu Buhari of the
All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), who lost to Obasanjo in the 2003
presidential election, remains a factor to contend with. Though he is a
Moslem who hails from Katsina State and commands tremendous respect among
the hoi polloi of the North, he is not known to be an apologist of the
Caliphate. Perhaps that explained why he decided to give out his daughter
in marriage on a weekend the Caliphate was celebrating 200 years of its
existence.
So,
while the bicentenary anniversary of the Caliphate lived up to its
billing, in a way, it has brought to the fore its weakening grip on the
country’s power levers. Perhaps 2007 will turn out to be a true test of
its staying power.
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