The Cyprus question
By Abolaji Adewara
I AM currently studying at a university in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). Living as a student in this beautiful Mediterranean country not only makes you familiar with the culture, cuisine and people but also with the problems that they encounter. Therefore, I would like to share my views regarding the Cyprus issue with the hope that it could be helpful to better understand Turkish Cypriot views to reach a just and viable solution in this beautiful island.
At the outset I would like to give some information concerning the Cyprus issue. The Cyprus question began in 1963 when the Greek Cypriot side launched a military campaign with the aim of uniting the island with Greece and forcibly appropriated the title of the Republic of Cyprus in which the two peoples were equal partners. As a result, The Turkish Cypriot people were left stateless; had to endure Kosovo-like massacres; live as refugees and under severe embargoes. This unfortunate situation continued until the Turkish Peace operation in 1974 which came in the aftermath of a coup d'etat, carried out by the Greek junta and its Greek Cypriot collaborators in the name of uniting the island with Greece.
Following the Turkish Peace operation, in accordance with the Voluntary Populations Exchange Agreement concluded between the two sides in August 1975, the Turkish Cypriots voluntarily moved to the North and the Greek Cypriots voluntarily moved to the South of the island. In 1975, the Turkish Cypriot people, who have been administering themselves since the destruction of the partnership republic, established the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus, which in 1983, led to the creation of the TRNC.
Since 1968, the two sides have been negotiating, on and off, in order to reach a settlement in Cyprus to no avail. Whilst the Greek Cypriot side desires a settlement which will make Cyprus a Greek island with a Turkish minority, the Turkish Cypriot side resists such a set-up and wants a settlement on the basis of equal power-sharing. The wrongful treatment by the international community of the Greek Cypriot administration as if it is the Government of the Republic of Cyprus has encouraged the Greek Cypriots to insist on being the "boss" in the island and thus to reject equal power-sharing with the Turkish Cypriots.
The Greek Cypriot administration using its usurped title of the "Government of Cyprus" imposed inhuman embargoes on the Turkish Cypriot people in every field, ranging from political representation in international fora to travel, trade, sports etc. In addition to this, acceptance of the Greek Cypriot administration's membership application by the European Union as a new member on behalf of the whole "Cyprus", further bolstered the Greek Cypriot ambition of making Cyprus a Greek island and led to the failure of the negotiation process between the two parties.
It was in this atmosphere that the Turkish Cypriot President Rauf Denktas took the initiative at the end of 2001 to commence the direct talks between the two sides. Direct talks began, in the presence of UN Secretary-General's Special Advisor of Cyprus, Alvaro De Sotn, in January 2002, which continued for over a year until the Hague meeting. During this process, the UN Secretary-General presented a plan which was followed by two revised versions as a result of demands by both sides for changes. Both sides had intensive talks over the plan but the two sides were not given the necessary time to negotiate the plan which consisted of hundreds of pages of legal jargon, therefore it was not possible to reach an agreement and the talks have come to an end.
When one objectively reviews the plan, it would be seen that while meeting the basic requirements of the Greek Cypriot side, the plan fell short of addressing the legitimate demands and concerns on vital issues such as sovereign equality of the two sides, the continuation of the 1960 system of guarantees without any alterations, the issue of bi-zonality and the settlement property issues through global exchange and compensation.
Despite the negative attitude of the Greek Cypriot administration and the failure of the talks, the Turkish Cypriot side put forward, on April 2, 2003 proposals in order to overcome the deep crisis of confidence between the two people, which has been blocking the way to a just and lasting settlement in Cyprus. Unfortunately, the Greek Cyprus side without even considering the said proposal rejected them the very same day.
Although the said proposals were turned down by the Greek Cypriot administration at once, the TRNC Government, aware of the fact that the severe lack of confidence between the two sides has been blocking the settlement, decided, on April 21, 2003, that crossing between TRNC and Southern Cyprus would be permitted. This decision to facilitate crossings has shown that the two peoples living under their own sovereign governments can establish good neighbourly relations.
However, the Greek Cypriot authorities continue to discourage both Greek Cypriots and tourists from crossing over to the TRNC. They do not allow tourists to stay overnight in North Cyprus and threaten those who choose to stay with legal action and fines. People who buy consumer goods from Turkish Cypriot shops in North Cyprus are faced with difficulties on their way back to South Cyprus.
Despite the fact that the Turkish Cypriot side has declared its readiness to continue to work towards a settlement on the basis of the equal sovereignty of the two peoples and bi-zonality, the international community has given the upper hand to the Greek Cypriot side since the beginning of the Cyprus question and it is this asymmetry in status and imbalance in addressing the concerns of the two sides that has led to numerous failed attempts on the part of the UN to settle the Cyprus issue. I hope that the Greek Cypriot leadership will change its rigid stance towards the TRNC in the period ahead, without further delay.
Adewara is with the Eastern Mediterranean University, Gaz Imagusa, Northern Cyprus, Turkey