_THE WAR LETTERS _
Edited by Abiodun Adekunle
This Chapter contains letters written by my father to senior officials in the ruling military Council, Chiefs of Staff Supreme HQ, as well as to the Head of State, General Gowon, who were based at Dodan barracks Lagos, then the seat of military power. There are also letters addressed to the governors of the Western State and the newly created and liberated Rivers State. They were written from the warfront during the heat of battle. He retained copies of the letters he wrote and they have been reproduced below unedited. They have been interspersed with commentaries taken from his personal journals.
The major point of interest of these letters is that in the same was as some of the testimony at the 'Oputa Panel' proceedings, they paint a disturbing 'behind the scenes' picture of the highest echelons of the Nigerian Military at a critical juncture of Nigeria's history. The letters reveal how factions and cliques had begun to emerge in the army and how even at this stage when Nigeria was fighting for her corporate existence, suspicion and disunity of purpose among officers had eaten deep into the fabric of the Armed forces. The letters also touch on some of the issues that have remained unresolved within the Nigerian polity more than three decades after the war- the issues of double standards, ethnicism, equality of Nigerian citizens in the eyes of the state and the quality of national leadership.
They depict his feelings of isolation and increasing disillusionment not only with the war aims, but also his concerns about the future of the nation and his insistence on the maintenance of high professional standards within his Division. It is clear from his correspondence, that soon after the commencement of the war, he was fighting a battle on two fronts, - one on the Biafran frontlines and the second and equally stressful, with the Lagos high command. Reading through these letters, it is also true that he believed he might have been fighting a losing battle.
As I stated in the introductory section of this book, my father became an extremely controversial figure as the war progressed. Various myths sprung up about his person, ranging from the ludicrous to the plausible.
Similarly, many charges have been made against him: he has been called a sadist, has been accused of having 'deliberately prolonging' the civil war, of having made a 'fortune' from the war. Four years after the war ended, he was retired from the army after having been suspended by Gowon on charges of involvement in the Iyabo Olorunkoya Indian hemp scandal. His retirement was subsequent to a military inquiry whose findings have never seen the light of day; leaving a dark cloud of unsubstantiated allegations and innuendo hanging over him. These letters and his commentaries state his position on many of these issues. They illustrate I believe, the wide separation that can exist between public perception and actual fact.
The conflict between my father and the Lagos high command extended beyond the treatment of the defeated Easterners and the quagmire of "abandoned property". It extended to the conduct of the war. It is apparent that he came to believe that certain members of the Lagos High command strove to retard his efforts at the height of federal success after the initial fall of Owerri and Aba in September 1968, no doubt due to his abrasive style and a fear of his intentions.
My father's antagonistic relationship with many of his peer group began very early in his career. During his recounting of his early military training, he was found radical and hard headed not only by his military instructors, but also by his peers.
Many of my father's letters are in response to and in defense of his character. According to him, not long after he attained national and international acclaim, he was perceived by some of his superiors in SHQ, and Army HQ as a threat to the post civil war Nigeria. The great fear was that he would stage a coup to topple the existing government.
My father speaks vehemently against the long-term effect of the double standards of both military and political indiscipline that had already began to emerge in the military. Thirty years later, we are all in a better position to assess the validity of his warnings that the policies of Supreme Military Headquarters' would serve to entrench corruption, nepotism and mediocrity in national life.
Some of the letters written in this chapter are addressed to his perceived detractors, and mention others. To General Hassan and Army HQ specifically, he levels the charge of sabotaging his efforts in the field.
In a letter dated July 1968, at the height of the Division's success and several months before any such Owerri 'debacle', he responds to General Hassan (Chief of Staff, Army HQ's) attempt to dismiss him on the grounds of 'rudeness.' The letters depict a situation where my father speaks of having lost his command and to have all the Divisional Commanders being of Northern origin. It is during this particular episode that he made one of his infamous visits to the rear in Lagos ostensibly to make his case, (or as he puts it, to defend his 'character'). According to my father's letters, one of the consequences of this incident was a mutiny staged by officers and men of the Third Marine Commando on behalf of their potentially outgoing Commander. He speaks of absolving his men of their acts spurred on by desperation at losing their Commander.
As I stated earlier, one particular thread that remains constant throughout these letters is my father's stand against indiscipline, double standards and injustice. He maintains his stand on these principles regardless of whose ox is gored. One very clear example of his unyielding call for consistency related to the administration of the nearly- liberated South Eastern and Rivers States.
It is clear from the letters written in July 1968, that he felt grave concern about the choice of governors and later, about their direction of their governance. The series of letters written to the Rivers State Governor illustrate my father's concerns about the 'abandoned property' quagmire.
In his letters to the Head to State, General Gowon, he questions the sincerity of the SMC and its will for putting aside all political considerations, and providing him with the logistical and political support necessary to end the war.
In other letters to the Head of State, my father expands on these themes, imploring his Commander-in-Chief to practice justice for all. He is forthright in his admonitions against domination of any minority, and vents further against the Ibibios being 'trampled upon' by the Efik, Calabar and Ogoja. His prediction was 'they are going to demand for a state of their own sooner or later."
That letter was written in 1968. In 1967, South Eastern State was created when Gowon had increased the number of States to twelve. In 1976 when the states were increased to nineteen, South Eastern State was renamed Cross-River State. In 1986/87 under General Babangida, the number of States was increased to twenty -one, the Ibibios eventually got their own state. Akwa Ibom State was created from Cross River at that time.
Taken as a whole, my father's series of war letters reveal a soldier, a patriot, and a nationalist who was committed to his ideals as he saw them right or wrong. They reveal a soldier whose principles lead him into antagonistic relationships with his peers, and who declined to take the less troubled road to his ultimate detriment. It was this unyielding stance inherent in my father's character that ignited and fueled the efforts of the Lagos high command, and led them to characterize him as a 'threat' to the post war political set up. It was this view more than anything else, that would lead to his loss of command and eventually his forced retirement from the military in 1974.
This perverted dictum of the Nigerian living elite for villifying and ostracizing our very true fearless nationalists has been our bane as a nation even till this day. Indeed, I believe it shall remain our greatest impediment towards establishing a truly equitable, just, united and prosperous nation, whose future is secure and promising, and whose corridors of power are not filled with pretenders and charlatans.
The reader can formulate their own conclusions about whether or not the fears my father expressed about Nigeria's future in these letters have been unfounded. They can reach their own conclusions if subsequent events have vindicated the positions he stood for, politically and militarily.
The history of the Nigerian Army since the end of the civil war with the absence of discipline and prevalence of double standards clearly seem to vindicate my father's fears not only for his cherished Army but also for the nation.
These are His Words:
A new dimension surfaced after the capture of Calabar. The activities of the Division gained international recognition and applause. Lagos did not take too kindly to those glowing reports. The story was that I was constructing an aura of 'invincibility' around my person. The troops were told through clandestine avenues that I was building up an 'ego' at their expense. The officers and men, whom I had schooled in loyalty to their superiors and to country, were exposed to the gospel of my so-called ambition. I came to learn that the security threat I posed to the federal government was codified in numerous volumes by the special branch of the Nigerian Police Force, which had compiled its report with the assistance and close collaboration of a good friend in the Lagos cabinet office. I came to learn that some of my officers were given gifts and promised accelerated promotion to work with these Lagos elements. The bastion of my strength was the unflinching loyalty and support of the Officer Corp. For a good number of my men, these efforts simply had the effect of transforming their loyalty to the nation to personal loyalty to their Commander.
It surprised me that my Lagos friends were unable to appreciate the dangers in breaking up the ranks of the 3rd Marine Commando both in the short and the long term. The principle of double loyalty is a dangerous one to inject into an Army. It does not strengthen esprit de corps and certainly, has never contributed to tactical success in any war. The Army as a corporate entity suffered more than I from these activities, in the corrosive effect on the esprit de corps of the Nigerian Military.
Even greater surprise law in store: the domestic press was warned not to give 'undue coverage' to the successes of the 3rd Marine Commando Division and when the The Daily Times disregarded the military warning, Sam Amuka, Editor of the paper was shown the way out.
These events foreshadowed the post-war relationship between the authorities in Lagos and myself. At the same time, my relations with the foreign press grew more and more tempestuous. These men expected to stroll in and out of thc scenes of an ongoing war, at their whim and caprice! To The Economist Magazine, I was a friend who relished using starvation as a weapon of war.
I expected Lagos to come to the defense of its Commander. It did not. Rather, Army Headquarters under General Hassan, repeatedly sent damaging reports to Supreme Headquarters. I was branded as an obstinate officer who defied orders, an officer who refused to 'cooperate' or implement policy decisions and most incomprehensible of all, a grossly 'ambitious' officer. The Division was accused of being infested with hemp addicts and it was said that I was instrumental in this odium. I treated with absolute contempt, the ignoble role played by the 1968 Army Chief of Staff to undermine my command and control of the 3rd Marine Commando Division.
I was also accused of bad management and of selling arms and ammunition to Ojukwu. The civilians were fed with the untrue statement that the 3rd Marine Commando Division was not only saturated with first class arms, but also choked with first class infantry officers. Nothing could be far from the realities than the tale of arms saturation. The pattern was for the majority of arms and ammunition to be shifted to the north, on the pretext that the Republic of Niger ordered them. Time without number, I had to be physically present at Lagos airport whenever I had a warning that a plane load was expected, to get an allotment for the Division. This pattern of events persisted up to the capture of Port Harcourt. My protests never brought me close to securing any logistic support. It must be admitted that the ammunition expenditure of the 3rd Marine Commando Division was alarmingly high. The ill-trained soldiers that were drafted to this theatre had generated this deplorable situation.
When the accusations and counter accusations reached an intolerable level, I found relief in responding to Army Headquarters by letters addressed to the then Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters. By mid June 1968, the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters received my letters in succession:
To: Brigadier E.O. Ekpo, June, 1968
Dear Brigadier,
I have a little more time on my hands and I want to devote it solely to replying your last Demi-Official letter. From the tone of your letter, I can well guess that you have not been given all the facts but that you have prejudged me, which I do not care one hoot. It does not take time for the truth to emerge.
From time it has been my cross for my ideas to be rejected in-to-to. I have grown to live with it.
One fact does stand out. Alao is a complete misfit, who still does not merit anything decent. When a man becomes self centered, to me, he is a pronounced enemy. You tell me, if within your sincerity you are not aware of the role Alao has been playing? Of course he is a venerable member of the ruling junta of the sane, so why should he not get away with murder?
All I have to say is that you should check these facts from the Commander-in-Chief, Chief of Staff (Army) and my Commander Rear. In as far as I am concerned, Alao is a liability to the nation, even the most stupid civilian will tell you that the Nigerian Air Force is a mess. Of course, I am aware I have no right to derail another officer or even service. Just contact Ochefu to tell you the devilish role Alao's clique has evolved again with regards to the deployment of the new crew of the Migs 17. This is one of the reasons why I find it difficult to remain in the Army. If I have to commit murder or anything to get out, I will do it. I am not kidding, just watch me for am on my way out already. The Army and the Armed Forces can do without an agitator. I am fed up to the neck, with the multiple plots I had to go through to see the war end. Please, for once, tell me: Have I done anything really out of the ordinary by persistently demanding equipment for my operation?
To turn to the vexed question of the Nigerian Air Force, other ranks under close arrest, one of them had been trafficking in Indian Hemp, while the other had a notorious circle patronized by some Nigerian Air Force (NAF) officers, in trafficking in the old currency from Lagos to Calabar.
For sometime I had known about these but I could not lay my hands on them. How can one explain an Other Rank (OR) having five back deposit books with about �3,000 in the bank? I have traced this up to Lagos. It has come to the notice of the Central banks and the confidence they have in me has been greatly dented.
If the Nigerian Air Force does know its laws, definitely under the Special Military Decree, I have full authority and power to try the boys. The dangers about Indian Hemp are self-evident. Calabar has been drowned in Indian hemp, it is rampant among civilians.
I am not going to this extent to justify my actions, but to show you again that all my intentions have been distorted in Lagos. I am well aware of the notorious rumour peddling of Alao, which he has initiated to damage me. I only pity him for many know what I am and what I stand for. I cannot contain myself whenever I look round at such people. I pity this country.
You might have read my letter to the Commander-in-Chief about the South Eastern State. I am sorry for South Eastern State. You have to move fast to give this state a good beginning. I had expressed myself freely, sincerely and honestly; to hell with anyone who thinks I am taking sides or derailing them.
The South Eastern State is in a real mess from my own judgement. Of course, it is none of my lookout to poke my nose into the State affairs.
Accusation By London Observer
Threat of new overthrow bid by Nicholas Lloyd.
As the Nigerian civil war splutter on, there are reports in Lagos of attempts to overthrow the federal leader, General Gowon. Following the rumours, security precautions have been tightened. At Ibadan earlier this month, two newspapers were shut down and three lawyers- one an ex-Minister- were arrested as dangerous to the good government of the Western State. The next day, houses were searched, a cache of arms found and 300 more people arrested.
The whole affair may merely have resulted from a Yoruba tribal squabble, but some Government officials are enough to give friends warning telephone calls- As they did on the night of the coup which brought Gowon to power. At the moment it is difficult to find viable alternative leader to Gowon. But army coups tend to breed army coups, so he must continually look over his shoulder for flashing knives.
"The story told me by an eye-witness of an army colonel pointing a gun at Gowon's head at a party some months ago, with unfriendly intentions shows the case with which the young general could be dispatched."
This tale of woe fitted the maze of the intrigues formented by Nigerian Army Headquarters during the era of General Hassan at the helm of authority. The equation formulated was that with the predominately Yoruba 3rd Marine Commando and my hoarding arms and ammunition, I had laid an undisputed claim to the post of Head of State of Nigeria. The then Governor of Western State of Nigeria fell prey to the well charted plot conceived in Lagos but hatched and executed in the turbulent Western State. To him I addressed:
Letter to Brigadier R.A. Adebayo, June 1968
Your Excellency,
Every sane Nigerian and fighting soldier is just baffled at the way you race to the so called "leaders of unthought" to seek mandate for every action that you take. Time and time again, every true Nigerian had held his breath at the next plunge that you take. I will go all out to bring home to you the naked truth. Do please do not for one moment minimize your hate or abhorrence for me, I am used to such plights. I thrive better if I am hated, scorned and utterly disparaged, these are the new dimensions of the roles that have been thrust on me. In your appointment of Commissioners you were so parochial to be true, you have played yourself into the hand of the ex-politicians that you can not get out of the web. You are a prisoner of Zender: this has been the bedrock of the recurring unrest in the yet to be divided Western State.
May I let you know this much that the West needs a leader devoid of playing to the gallery. You are guilty of utter abuse of power, position and the honourable thing to do is well known to you. I am sure you are well aware of the qualities of being an officer and a gentleman. If no one had the courage to tell you, you have lost long ago the support of the masses. The confidence the people have in you is at its lowest ebb. There is only one honourable course open to you. You are well aware of it, there is no need of wasting time and space to bring the home truth to you.
The West had been the sick political baby of Nigeria. The west had been the springboard of the present conflict, you have through misguided indoctrination plunged the West and Nigeria into insurmountable political tackle all because you want to satisfy your Yoruba Lagos factors. Surely, I need mention that you are a robot, whose strings are in Lagos. The game you are playing now is not yours but the so-called leaders of unthought, who had failed to satisfy the aspiration of this Country. Admit it that as a Military Governor you have failed, much as the Commander-in-Chief had not told you but we the younger ones know it. I adore you as a person but not as a leader. Do not for one moment misconstrue me, am not struggling to be a military Governor, for if I should I could have been long ago. The only thing is that you are a stumbling block to the way of Nigerian progress, who must be told how you stand. Hate me if you so wish, kill me if within your powers, curse me if that will help you, broadcast me as your enemy but there is a greater horizon than Adebayo and Adekunle with which Nigeria will live for posterity. You will have to go honourably to make way for peace, tranquility and orderly progress in the name of Black Power.
The world is still holding you responsible to give an honest account of your stewardship much as you disdain Gowon in all he stands for. In the name of humanity, request for a diplomatic job and let this country move off in unison before Easter. Yours is the asking with modifications in conformity with the aspirations of a reborn Nigeria. Your backers have no hope in the new concept of Nigeria. Death is a pleasure to a bastard like me, you may go to heaven, I, on my way to darling hell in Nigeria.
Do not think I am drunk with my duty to Nigeria, I have a divine duty, for my pay and records. You will do us an infinite pleasure if you are out of office by January 31, 1969. As a new hand is needed, so much as I love you, I will in the name of humanity tell you the truth. This is the limit of human endurance. Leave that office alone. Go overseas and you will be well off. My coffin is at Port Harcourt with me, check if you doubt it. Long live Nigeria, the Black Power and Black Race.
Impending Retirement
The question of my retirement by General Hassan Katsina from the Nigerian Army on the ground of rudeness re-echoed again in my next letter on July 1968 to Brigadier Ekpo
Dear Brigadier,
I have nothing but praise for the recent stand you have taken in some thorny matters. From time, it has been the practice rather than the exception to establish two standards for Nigerian Army. The bare naked truth are now manifesting themselves.
I do fully share in entirety. your remarks about discipline. Sincerely, I only glanced over the Chief of Staff Army Letter but yours stirred me up to go over the original Chief of Staff's letter. The causes of indiscipline are many. The foremost is these dreadful two standards that are prevalent in the Nigerian army. I have fallen prey to these two standards. I am aware that there is an inner circle, which is not subject to discipline. This vicious circle has got the Army in its grip and one of its plans is the discipline letter that has been issued. We will face a gloomier future far more dreadful and two standard plans would emerge.
I am just sorry for the Nigerian Army and the Country as a whole. I have enclosed a copy of a letter that I wrote to the Commander-in-Chief. The assertions are sweeping but they represent my deep down feelings. My main fear now is where do we go from here? If my reasoning is not faulty, then the "Adekunle must go" circle has more up its sleeves than is appreciated. Will it be wrong to say that since my cause has been upheld, the circle has not come to think that the main objective of weeding me out has been defeated? Frankly, the position of the Commander-in-Chief, Admiral (Wey) and yourself are not safe. I wonder if the circle could have stopped at me. How will any rational man give reasons for my retirement to be rudeness? Honestly, this is a definite plot that has exposed itself just two early and of course it is for the good of the county that we will wake up and be more watchful. I had months ago pointed out that it is my ardent desire to resign. It is not that I am afraid but I do understand that am a very controversial person. The stories circulating in Lagos about me are most dreadful. The originators are army officers, they nurture and spread them; this is discipline for you.
I have at last managed to get Chief E.O. Eyo to join the government of the South Eastern State. He and Jacob were in Port Harcourt on the 25th July of 1968 at a meeting with me. At long last I can rest assured that unity will reign supreme in the South Eastern State. Many will swallow their words. I will leave to you to please do me a great honour by writing both of them to ensure better understanding for the future.
Ariyo has been moved to Calabar to take charge of things there, to be a member of the Executive Council of the State.
I saw your letter about the loan. To all intents and purposes I gave out the money to ensure that the economic life is revived. The companies concerned were contemplating packing up; the loans have stopped them. Presently, I know that Dunlop wants to pack-up its affairs and sell-out its concern. I have stepped in to see if I can stop it. This, I am sorry to say, has failed.
Definitely, if the previous loans have not been questioned, I would have gone ahead and given the loan. My contention is always if the Federal Military Government is not ready to finance realistically the creation of States, then the idea should have not been conceived in the first instance.
Believe it or not, Jacob has still been relying on me for the salaries of his workers. If the Lagos Cabinet office and the Finance boys will not act, I will act, for the main national trouble has been the carving of two states from East Central State. The Trade Ministry and Cabinet Office have my sympathy, if after one year of fighting, a directive has not yet been evolved about private companies, then the new Nigeria will be worse off than the ousted political days.
Sir, finally, I must confess that I have lost not just confidence in myself but in the Army Headquarters. My hopes have been shattered and the only thing keeping me going is my patriotism and my pledge to Commander-in-Chief.
To General Gowon, Commander-in-Chief, July 1968
Your Excellency,
I enjoyed to the last bit, the recent show of authority in retiring me in a question of minutes. In as far as I am concerned there is more to it than presently meets the eye. In fact, in all sincerity, the infighting, which I had long wanted for, has just started.
The contention of the Chief-of-Staff (Army) is that I was rude in my signal to the Army Headquarters. How very unfortunate, but then what does he think his own language compares with? It is the embodiment of contempt and disparaging of a senior officer. Of course, I realize I am from the wrong side whose abomination should not be tolerated.
Coming to a more realistic problem, the present war is a national task in which all hands must be on deck. Of course, initially it was a seclusive affair until the bare truth dawned on the planners that no one section can take it upon itself to redeem this country. I am not quarrelling with this but I realized that I had a lot at stake. With this in mind, I got myself and my charge dug in into the task. With the help of God, I have been able at least, to achieve a measure of success, and of course, the place of honour and praise go to the boys. Nevertheless, to be treated with scorn at this hour speaks well of the remorse feelings in Lagos. Question is, is it now the policy to have all Division Commanders from the North? To counter and state that it is an under-statement would mean not playing cricket. It is sure blank bigotry. I had, from time, made it made clear that it has been my ardent desire to leave the Army. If I do not, I will have myself to blame, my people will not only lose me but my image will be damaged beyond recognition. The start has been made. I will state here that I have my fears now well founded. The said signal was not meant to spur me on to action nor is it an encouragement but part of a likely well-designed scheme. Much as I enjoy the full-unalloyed confidence of this Division, my life is obviously at stake. I am no coward but I like to face my death like a soldier - to die for a cause and a noble one at that, but let us crush the rebel first and foremost.
At this juncture, it will be appropriate to state one sad incident that occurred in my theatre. For the brief time that I was in Lagos, both officers and men mutinied in good faith that I was no longer returning. Sir, I built this Division in the name of Nigeria, not in the name of Oduduwa land or Dan Fodio. How-be-it, the confidence and the inter-dependence have been most remarkable. I am ready to be dragged into prison, to be discredited and disdained. I have served my country with all my might but how can anyone comprehend this signal. Revolting as the implications are, I will be of good courage and go ahead with the momentary job of crushing the rebels. To under-rate what I have started or to pronounce that my nature has induced me to commit the comments into writing will be begging the questions and deferring the evil day. Nigeria has got a gloomy future.
Cowards die many times before their deaths. I am in the name of sanity, humanity and God above all, imploring all the outcome of this letter should not be taken on the Division but on my person alone. I am responsible for what comments you are reading. My blood is ready to flow; death will be more suitable experience than I have been through. I have not the least refrained from my intention of leaving the Army, rather my convictions have been made stronger.
Am I really dangerous, I do ask in the name of decency, have I wronged humanity and the warlords by doing my God-sent duty? To destroy me will not solve the problem but heighten the contention of the rebels and the world at large. Given the opportunity, I will be useful to my country in better ways.
I do not deny that I will have to go but I implore that it should be done decently for we have given a new meaning to the African personality, which is enviable.
There had been remote talk that I am waxing in power and popularity. These are not to my knowledge nor have I got any ambition as such. I am a simple Carpenter's son who wants to earn an honest living. Whatever might have prompted such a callous move would be worth knowing. Have I ever given cause for anyone to doubt my loyalty or faith to the cause? If this can be done to me then the rest of the boys here will have their heads chopped off. Of course, I had long expected this.
What really are we fighting for, to enliven a new class of the domineering type or to integrate this country? My conscience is clear, my life mission has been manifested. I do not ask for promotion or any appointment within the Army or in the civil service. All I do request is that I am allowed to live a normal life having worked this far for it. If the design is to undo me, I will absorb the outcome but then I sincerely ask, will fate and destiny be muted? Farewell.
Another Letter to Gowon, Commander-in-Chief, July 1968.
Your Excellency,
The fluid nature of the rebel operations has again set me thinking seriously about our own reaction. The limitations of the rebels are most apparent compared realistically with our capabilities and weaponry. At long last we have been able to comprise the enemy into a crushable size which, incidentally is to his advantage. What remains of the name is OAU - Owerri, Aba and Umuahia. With the fall of Aba, Orlu and Okigwe are contained.
Much as political considerations have swayed us, especially in the Port Harcourt sector, it has become more and more apparent that the enemy is moving and grouping in incredible numbers in the area of Ikot Ekpene North West and North east. This is to his own advantage.
It is my duty as one of your boys to interpret my own application. The enemy will not wait to fight in his own area for fear of total destruction. The episode at Awgu is a sure prelude. It is the ardent desire of the enemy to fight as much as possible away and with this I dare say emphatically that the final battle will be fought not in Igboland, but within the areas of Ikot Ekpene, North West and North East.
From a fundamental military view, the enemy has already realized this and is earnestly planning not for the recapture of Enugu but Ikot Ekpene, Port Harcourt for her commercial outlet and Ikot Ekpene for being the main gateway to the Igbo hinerland. In as far as I have seen, no preparations have been made.
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