|
Nigeria and the challenges of 2007
Being a lecture delivered by Chief Ebenezer Babatope to mark the 10th anniversary of the death of Mr. Tunde Idowu, a journalist at Osogbo on July 26, 2004)
THIS lecture is organised by friends of Mr. Tunde Idowu who died 10 years ago (precisely on 26, July 1994) while driving to work at the Osun State Broadcasting Corporation during the 'June 12' crisis of that year. He was said to be a courageous journalist who never compromised his professional ethics. Smoleth Alamu Shittu, the brain behind this memorial lecture, describes Idowu as a man with love and passion for Nigeria, his country of birth.
It is obvious that were Idowu to be alive today, he will be concerned as millions of his fellow countrymen are about the future of Nigeria, particularly as it relates to the dreaded year 2007. It is just pertinent and necessary that we examine this problem now and attempt solutions that will contribute meaningfully to the unity, stability, and continued existence of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Nigerians are a politically volatile people. It has been said that any ruler that succeeds in his governance of Nigeria will succeed in any country of the world. Nigeria's federation seems to be the only surviving federation in the world now. Nigerian people are very inquisitive and resilient. One of the high points of our strength is the unique ability of our people in subjecting men, matters, and events of our country to critical analysis. This is why no dictator can succeed here. Those who did attempt unconsciously or consciously to promote dictatorial policies and programmes in Nigeria some years ago ended in tragedy and disaster.
Certain power blocks have consistently been helping Nigeria to stabilise as a successful federation. These power blocks are;
- an ubiquitous Press, ever daring in its quest for the dissemination of news and information to Nigerians;
- a silent but restless bureaucracy that is capable of turning the table against a bad government;
- a vibrant and strong judiciary;
- a military that is ambitious;
- a dynamic business class ever ready to defend its class interests;
- a labour movement that is politically sharp in responding to governmental activities that tend to undermine the fundamental rights of Nigerians;
- an ever sensitive citizenry that is not prepared to permit the rule of rascals and terrorists in government and
- a conspiratorial, but never-say- die political class.
Despite the fact that many of them have died in prisons and through murder, their ranks keep increasing. The struggle for power in Nigeria can be vicious and ruthless.
The activities of these bodies have ensured the survival of our federation since independence on October 1, 1960. They are behind every move to analyse critical events in Nigeria before they occur so that Nigeria can have a safe passage through such events whenever they become national problems.
This is why we are discussing 2007 and why the nation is agog over the problems and challenges of that all-important year - 2007 (and it will be so for many months to come).
It is not difficult to find out why everyone is concerned about 2007 - Nigerians love freedom and they want democracy to succeed. The over-orchestrated campaigns for 2007 are all geared by our people to ensure that however tough the challenges of 2007 maybe, Nigeria must come out in 2007 and beyond as a united and peaceful nation.
It is because of this that many Nigerians are calling for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC), examining the political party system in the country, particularly as it relates to the possibility of Nigeria becoming a one party state. And evaluating the strength, quality of character and personalities of all the Nigerians who have so far exhibited themselves as potential presidential candidates for the 2007 elections. Nigerians are apprehensive over these matters and it will be suicidal for us to ignore and dismiss them.
Sovereign National Conference
There are many reasons Nigerians believe that an SNC is necessary. These reasons include;
- some previous despotic administrations in Nigeria have so dehumanised Nigerians to the point that many good people were either murdered, arrested or sent into exile while opposing such regimes and
- the need to re-examine the federal nature of our existence as a nation with the view to finding lasting solutions to the problems of power rotation in Nigeria; economic relationship vis-�-vis its control and management; the redefinition of federal agencies like the police, military, regional/state autonomy and powers; the place of religion and culture within the federation of Nigeria; the writing of a new constitution that will embody solutions to national problems proffered by the Conference.
No Nigerian would opposed the examination of these issues in a national conference. The point of departure by some Nigerians is, however, on the issue of nomenclature for the conference.
I believe that we should drop the tag "Sovereign," we should simply call for a National Conference. Lawyers say you cannot put something on nothing. The idea of sovereign connotes the absence of a central power and political authority in a country whereby disintegration of such a country may be imminent. The sovereignty of Nigeria has been given by Nigerians since May 29, 1999 to the President, the governors, and the state and National Assemblies. An SNC is called in countries where the centres of power can no longer hold such countries together and anarchy seems to be the catastrophic result.
This is not the situation with Nigeria of today. The president, the governors, and the various Assemblies (State and National) are functioning on the mandate given to them by Nigerians.
Biafra (no matter the 'right' and the 'wrongs' of the civil war) emerged as a result of our inability to redefine and re-examine the federal nature of our existence. Until the people moved on June 12, 1993 and February 1999 to effect a balance of power in Nigeria, it has been the preoccupation of some feudal Nigerians to believe that Nigeria must remain an extension of their private family compounds. The issues Biafra raised between 1967 and 1970 are the very issues that proponents of a SNC have been making.
A national conference is imperative at this stage of our history. The President should in consultation with the Council of States, and the National Assembly enact a law that will constitutionally back the convocation of a conference.
The national conference could be composed as follows;
- a chairman (preferably a retired judge of the Supreme Court that will be chosen from an area of Nigeria outside the area of the president);
- a secretary (provided by the Head of the Federal Civil Service);
- one representative from each of the 36 state Assemblies;
- two representative from each of the existing political parties;
- Six representatives from the Nigeria Labour Congress (chosen from each of the six zones in the country and
- one representative from each of the: Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities (ASUU), Non Academic Staff of Universities (NASU), National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Nigerian Union of Journalists;
- other professional associations recognised by the government should also send one representative each;
- one representative from each of all known Human Rights organisations;
- six representatives each from the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs in Nigeria (selected from each of the six geo-political zones of Nigeria);
- two former Heads of State, representing the Council of States;
- six representatives of traditional rulers (picked from each of the geo-political zones of Nigeria);
- two representatives of the Nigerian Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
The participation of selected elders of our country, some of who were witnesses to the struggles of our country for independence. These elders can participate at the Conference, but should not have voting rights so as not to desecrate their advisory role in the conference;
- the Presidency should also be represented by at least two representatives.
The decisions of the National Conference should be put into Bill that will be presented by the President to the National Assembly. When passed into law, it would be sent for the approval of the State Assemblies to meet with the constitutional provisions for amending the Constitution. The decisions of the conference must never be tampered with by anyone or by any authority. The conference shall meet at the country's capital or any other city of Nigeria that may be designated for that purpose.
Nigeria - a one party state
Nigerians are expressing the fear of a possible one party state emerging from the elections of 2007. The reasons for this fear are due to the poor organisation that exists in the opposition parties.
Nigeria can never turn into a one party state. It is true that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is very dominant in our politics today. It controls 28 of Nigeria's 36 states. Despite all these, PDP can be beaten at the polls. The opposition parties are the ones strengthening the PDP by the poor and unimaginative organisation that characterises their operations. Apart from the National Conscience Party (NCP), no other opposition party is organising itself for power. The NCP is however, structurally and financially weak to offer any meaningful challenge to the PDP in 2007.
Opposition parties are not organising to displace PDP in the 2007 elections by what we see of their operations. The PDP has contradictions and such contradictions can be successfully exploited by a serious minded opposition to place itself as a force in the 2007 elections.
The PDP is still an amalgam of persons with different political persuasions in the country. It lacks any ideological standpoint and it is only helped now by the presence of President Olusegun Obasanjo. Whatever anyone may say, Obasanjo has a strong personality, a good political antecedent of a military ruler that voluntarily handed over power to a democratic regime.
With Obasanjo leaving the stage in 2007, a strong personality is being removed and the party will have to struggle to contain the consequent inner party struggles for power that it will experience between 2005 and 2007.
Today's political variables may be the political variables that will govern and direct political events of the country in 2007. The PDP seems to be already aware of this problem and its leadership is currently touring all the zones, appealing to its members to build a party solidarity that will sustain the party's hold on power.
It is sad to note the unpreparedness of opposition parties in Nigeria for the challenges of 2007. Nothing should stop them from invading Nigeria's political scene with adequate propaganda that will appeal to many Nigerians in giving their political views and programmes a fair consideration. The climate and political variables within the PDP may from 2005, make the PDP vulnerable in the 2007 elections.
What many of the opposition parties are doing now is to attack individuals in government. Whereas, Nigerians will be happy to see them offer alternative policies and programmes to the ones they are currently being subjected to by the PDP controlled Federal Government.
I still maintain that Nigeria can never be a one party state. We must, however, appeal to opposition parties in Nigeria to reorganise themselves and throw up effective challenge to the PDP that will be based on principles, issues, and ideas.
The presidential gladiators for 2007
As things stand today, three prominent Nigerians are being speculated in the media as having ambition for the 2007 presidential contest. The men are Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (rtd) and Brig.- Gen. Buba Marwa. None of them has officially announced interest in the race and some Nigerians are doing this on their behalf. Many more Nigerians are still going to be speculated for the race. The joy, however, is the fact that Nigeria is not a banana republic and neither is it a land of morons where pygmies will gladly parade themselves as giant planners of a new dawn.
Some Nigerians have been saying that they will not permit the entry into the race of any aspirant connected with the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election victory of the late Bashorun MKO Abiola. The power to reject anyone believed to have politically 'sinned' in the past or for whatever reason belongs to the electorate. No one can prevent or bar the electoral aspiration of any Nigerian. Those opposed to the ambition of any of the aspirants should campaign hard to Nigerians to defeat such a person with their votes. It will be undemocratic and wrong for anyone to take the laws into his hands by physically attempting to prevent the candidature of anyone.
Secondly, those orchestrating the political ambition of certain Nigerians for the 2007 presidential contest should be very careful not to turn the contest into a military versus civilian affair. It will not serve the interests of our country for either retired soldiers or civilian politicians to appropriate the presidential ambition of anyone to themselves. There must be a blend.
Will Nigeria survive the 2007 challenges
I believe that Nigeria will survive all the challenges and struggles that the 2007 elections will throw up. We will continue even far beyond 2007 as a united country.
Some historical moments justify my assertion of our country's eventual triumph now and in the future.
It is a fact that common Nigerians have fared better in their positive attitudes to the country's unity and peaceful co-existence than the country's elite.
In 1990, when the late Major Gideon Orkar led a group of young military officers to overthrow Babangida, the people with one voice rejected the suggestions by the soldiers that the Hausa-Fulani areas of Nigeria be excised from the country.
It was the first time that the people would defy military bullets and troop out to watch soldiers waste themselves in combat. The Vanguard newspaper reported that when its reporter asked a woman why she had brought out her young son to witness the military shootout, she said: "It is his future, let him watch it."
The Nigerian people equally rose on June 12, 1993 to vote for the late Abiola and his presidential running mate, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, disregarding their tribal and religious affiliations. The Christians did not consider for a second the fact that both Abiola and Kingibe were Moslems.
The people exhibited the same spirit when in 1999; they used their votes to send a Yoruba from the South and a Christian, Chief Olusegun Aremu Okikiola Obasanjo to Nigeria's highest political office.
The same patriotic spirit is still at work to thwart any evil design by the elite of our society to derail the democratic struggle and effect a dismemberment of the country.
2007 will come and go and Nigeria will remain a vibrant democratic nation united in her determination to continue to set the pace for the rest of Africa and to cement her existence in the committee of free nations. In conclusion, let me say with Papa Obafemi Awolowo in his prediction on Nigeria's future: "The past of Nigeria is a story told. The future of Nigeria will be written in gold."
- Chief Babatope, a lawyer and chieftain of the PDP, was Minister of Transport in the late Sani Abacha's regime
`
| 
