In Search of the 'Home Boy'
Like volcano which usually announces its imminence by a molten magma, the latest addition to many political controversies the nation's democratic experiement has become - settller/indigene dichotomy - crept in like a mamba in dark jungle. Someone flew the kite, as usual, for political reasons: only true Nigerians would become President from now on. Someone responded: if that should be the case, then ninety per cent of past rulers have been settlers. It was Saminu Ibrahim Turaki, the governor of Jigawa State. He said from Yakubu Gowon, to Shehu Shagari, Muhammadu Buhari and even Ibrahim Babangida, they were not 'actual' indigenes of where they are claiming. He then went religious: Prophet Mohammed (SAW) was not a native of Medina. Back home, the nation is being told, in plain terms that the man next door, who has been a townsman for ages might actually be from another tribe. Just like in Lagos, the controversy rages on over where the cosmopolitan town had its origin. But there is a big question: why does this happen only when positions are the issues are stake? From Jos to Ife/Modakeke; from Umuleri/Aguleri to Minna; from Itu in Akwa Ibom to Lagos in the west coast; from Yelwa to Ilorin, questions are being asked about where we are from. But beneath the controversy and the bloodletting that has trailed the issue in some parts of the country are some salient questions: Is this all politics? Is it necessary for the nation to purge itself of pent-up anger over areas where 'settlers' have actually taken over? SAMUEL AJAYI digs up the undercurrents
Saminu Turaki, the youthful governor of Jigawa State, is launching a campaign. As the new chairman of the Northern Governors Forum, he has found for himself a cause. He is, so to say, on a mission. Turaki has many gifts and those who knew when he was at school said he was quite a bright student and that was why he made very high grade from the university as an actuarial scientist.
Last week, he stirred the nation in the path of a debate on "settlers and indigenes". And he chose the most unusual of all places: Aso Rock. It was during a Thank-You visit to President Olusegun Obasanjo after the latter's visit to his state. He did not seem to be a fan of those who are creating a dichotomy between an indigene and a settler. He told correspondents that former leaders like Yakubu Gowon, Shehu Shagari, Ibrahim Babangida, Abdusalami Abubakar and former Lagos State governor, Kayode Jakande, were all settlers in the respective areas where they are now claiming indigeneship.
"Nobody is an indigene," Turaki declared. He was not done yet. "If you take Prophet Mohammed (SAW), he migrated from Mecca to Medina. He migrated from there. And he met Christians there. He met Jews there. He met two other groups there. He united the place and they called it Medina...when he went there, he was already over 40 years old. Nobody talked about the prophet being a settler there."
Apparently nauseated by those who are denying 'non-indigenes' political rights, Turaki reminded them that he highly revered Othman Dan Fodio came from the area of Futa Djallon in Senegal. "And he founded the Caliphate. Nobody said Othman Dan Fodio was a settler. His great grandson, Ahmadu Bello was Premier of the Northern Nigeria and no one said he was a settler."
Turaki decided to go down history as it relates to some past leaders. Hear him: "If you take General Yakubu Gowon, he lays claim to have roots in Zaria. But his tribe, Angas, is in Plateau State. You know he contested for the presidency from Zaria and he was head of state of Nigeria. Now Alhaji Shehu Shagari, as you know, Sokoto was founded in 1802 before the capture of Gobir, Alkalawa. Before 1802, there was no Sokoto. It was a new town to us in the North. Where we come from, Kano is 1000 years old; Daura is 1000 years old. Sokoto is a new town; it is not 1000 years old. (So) Sokoto is a settler town. So also, Shagari is a settler." In essence, Turaki was saying that if the issue of settler/indigene dichotomy is now a political factor, then almost all Nigerian past leaders were settlers.
Who Owns the Land?
If Turaki's postulation is to be taken as a standpoint, then there seems to be a possibility that Nigerian might actually not belong to anyone. Observers believe that this has not become issue for a long time because of the absence of democracy. As a result of democracy, which is in its sixth year, a political trend is emerging in almost every part of the country and questions are being asked about where a particular aspirant actually has his roots. And closely related to this is the issue of land.
Due to different attitudes to land, ownership Fulani herdsmen who usually migrate from the Northern part of the country during dry season do not really see anything in running over farmlands and in the process destroying farm crops, at times running into millions of naira. An observer puts in a perspective. "If you look at magistrate court in the South-west, if there are ten cases, eight are over land matters but in the North, it is usually over inheritance and marital disputes. Their own idea about land is such that you need not dissipate energy over it. Hence they don't see anything wrong in herding their cattle inside a farmland."
The question, therefore, is whether or not the Fulani herdsman should be seen as an intruder. Another observer blames the failure of the state to cater for the grazing needs of the herdsmen whose activities are clearly an intergral part of the Nigerian economy. "We should blame it on a policy oversight by the government. Just as you are planning for banking, manufacturing, oil and gas, the government should also plan for cattle rearing. This is a material thing. It is not ethnic or religious as many have coloured it. Cattle rearing is a big business; without it there won't be meat for us to eat. But it is equally wrong for farmlands to be destroyed. However, let government designate a piece of land for grazing in areas they know these cattle herdsmen usually go to during dry season."
No doubt, grazing is a major part of the problem. This has caused severe conflicts between many of the cattle rearers and their host communities. This is an issue that many believe should not be treated lightly, as a general statement like that of Turaki does not really solve or address or attempt to resolve the day-to-day problems arising from grazing activities.
The present day Seriki Hausawa (as a Hausa community leader are often called in the South) is the third or fourth generation of settlers. Hardly does he bother about where his great grandfather came from. And most of these "settlers", because of decades of sojourn and the attendant expansion, have been given lands which they now inevitably see as their own. A good example is Jos North. As a result of decades, if not centuries, of settlement, Hausas do not see themselves as settlers in Jos anymore. And they now call themselves Jasawa - a unique identity, obviously a coinage from "Jos Hausa". That is not all. They have equally been using their numerical strength to assert themselves politically. In fact, an "indigene", Lumumba Dah Adeh, was defeated by a "settler" in the House of Reps (Jos North constituency) election April last year. The Jasawa have become politically conscious and it is very unlikely any "indigene" will win in that constituency again.
It was not like this before. The once serene and cold city lost its innocence in September 2001. Since then, things have fallen apart.
The grouse of 'indigenes' in Jos was that while there are other 'setllers' in Jos, the kind of claims being made by the Hausa community in Jos were "suprious and unfounded." According to an indigene, "They wanted chieftaincy stools and even political control of the city". He said there were other 'settlers' like Afizere, Benoms and Anagutas, they were not trying to lord it over their hosts as the hausa/Fulani was doing. "They are making outrageous and bogus claims for rights which do not exist anywhere esle in the federation." And then, the parties settled for violence.
While it caused mayhem in Jos, it has been a unifying factor in Ilorin. An Ilorin indigene told THISDAY during the week that were the issue of settlership to be made a big one in Ilorin, then the likes of Akanbi Oniyangi, former Defence Minister in the Second Republic was an Igbomina. Mustapha Akanbi, a retired jurist and chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission, ICPC, has his roots in Kemberi. (See box)
The problem between Ife and the Modakeke and it is as old as the town (Modakeke) itself. And it all boils down to the same issue: a sojourner who grew wings and would not know his boundaries again. The Ifes are claiming that the Modakekes are settlers who came and were accepted with both hands but later became so big that started challenging their hosts. Many lives have been wasted to sort this out.
In the South-west, an historian informed THISDAY during the week that in the whole Yorubaland, it is the Ogbomosos that travel most. They are in almost every town and village in the country.
"Go and ask, they are everywhere," he said. "In fact, many of them didn't even know their homesteads during the last riots in Kano when they came home. Many of them were just outside the king's palace not knowing where to go."
That was Ogbomoso. Ejigbo, another Yoruba town in Oyo State, has many indigenes as settlers, but not in the country. Reports have it that out of every ten rich men in the town, seven of them must have made his money from their sojourn in Abidjan, in Cote d'Ivoire. They are said to have turned the place to their second home to the extent that many of them don't even know any other place apart from Abidjan and hence the success they have been able to record.
Zik was a Victim...
In the early fifties, when the trend of the nation's politics was evolving, the late Nnamdi Azikiwe had already known the potency of the pen. Hence, he was establishing newspapers here and there and at the same time oiling his political machine. And because Lagos, then, was home to the elite, Zik, as he was fondly, had warmed his way into the hearts of Lagosians. He thought they loved him and he saw sense in extending his political frontiers. He sought to lead the South-west as its first Premier. With the popularity of his party, the National Council for Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) which was on its way to forming the first indigenous government in the Southwest. He had a rude shock waiting for him. He was reminded that, though he might have the gift of the garb and endowment of the pen and ink, he was not a Yoruba man and hence, he could not lead the Yoruba. His allies cross-carpetted to the Action Group (AG) which now gave it the majority to form government. Many commentators still trace this as the beginning of tribalism in Nigerian politics, although some would say tribalism pre-dates the famous cross-carpetting.
This forced Zik back home where he took over premiership of the Eastern Region. He too was accused of using "indigene" sentiments to displace Eyo Ita (a "settler") from the premiership.
Ahmed Jaji, an erudite public commentator, said the country, inadvetently sowed the seed of settler/indigene since then.
"If Zik had been allowed to become the prime minister of the West then, the history of this country would have been different today," he stated. "This issue of settler/indigene should be seen as strength of our diversity and not weakness. You can won property anywhere and make money there. And I think you should be able to contest for elections. Zik would have been Premier of the Western Region but was stopped becaise of this issue."
He continued: "In Lagos, we should recognise the fact that outsiders are many and constitute a large number of our population and they influence things. I think provision should also be made for them at the political level."
When reminded that the issue of settler/indigene was always played up by politicians, Jaji said this might be so but the issue of Abuja is showing that the issue of indigeneship does not really matter. "This might sound unpalatable to the ears of some people for political reasons, but I believe that the issue of settler/indigene should be made to die a natural death."
Umuleri/Aguleri: Indigenes vs Indigenes
One of the hottest spots in recent years. Oral history has it that the two communities were direct descendants of the same progenitor. As a result of expedition and in search of green pasture, one of the two communities left the piece of land they were tending. When he came back with children and wives, he was given a piece of land but expressly informed that the paradigm had shifted.
Today, the two brothers have developed into separate towns and the only communication between them is that of war and bloodshed. The reason for this is simple: the quest for control of land and its attendant minerals.
The Case of Lagos
Lagos is a peculiar case. And the political set up in the state has been a veritable weapon in the hands of the opponents of Bola Tinubu, the state governor. A couple of months ago, a full page advert in major dailies, signed by 'Concerned Citizens of Lagos', drew attention of the public to the fact that the state is a state of "non-indigenes". Listed were the governor himself, the deputy, almost all the commissioners, special advisers and other political appointees. Against these names were names of the original home states, towns and villages. For instance, the governor was said to have come from Iragbiji in Osun State. The state commissioner for information, Dele Alake, is from Ekiti State. The Lagos PDP has been complaining about this development, although many see it as just a ploy against the government of Tinubu.
The Second Republic governor of the state, Lateef Jakande, according to history, is from Omu-Aran in Kwara State. In fact, a book, which was published to celebrate indigenes of the town who have made it in their different callings, has a biography of the former governor. Yet, during the week, another source told THISDAY that the elder statesman has part of his roots in Aramoko Ekiti, in Ekiti State.
"His mother once traced her roots to the town," the man, an indigene ofAramoko-Ekiti declared. "Since then, Jakande has been coming to attend family meetings in the town and if you see the tribal mark in the man's face and that of Jakande, you will know the two are from the same roots."
An analyst argues that no matter what is said of the indigene/settler issues, however, whenever it comes to issue of political leverage in Lagos, the Yoruba will always have the edge.
But the Igbo too are coming. A more than cursory observation of the trend of voting in the last election in the state showed that the candidate of the ruling People's Democratic Party, PDP, Engineer Funso Williams, had upper hand were areas populated by the Igbo community in the state. The trick: Williams promised them that they would be given a cabinet position if he was elected.
He lost the election. But another observer opined that there was no reason why the Tinubu administration (which has a large concentration of 'setllers' in his cabinet) could not appoint an Igbo man into, at least, a special adviser, level.
"If there is election, they know how to court the Igbos. But it ends at at that. None of them will ever appoint Igbo man into position of authority in the state. And when they need them, they know they constitute a huge percentage of those who live in Lagos," he noted.
Is It All Politics?
Someone said yes. Ari Tobi, a lawyer and attorney with Social and Economic Rights Action Centre, SERAC, said it was all about politics and denial of someone's rights. According to her, the constitution is somehow silent on political, economic and social rights which has made it possible for people to trample on such rights with impunity.
"A Nigerian is entitled to political rights but, unfortunately, the constitution does not expressly state those rights. But we can hinge on Chapter 4 of the constitution which is an embodiment of the fundamental human rights of a citizen. Specifically, political rights are not stated as being expressly enforcible but the constitution also says no Nigerian citizen shall be discriminated against on the grounds of birth, race or religion."
Speaking further, Tobi said as far as you are a Nigerian, either a Yorubaman, Hausaman or an Igboman, you are entitled to aspire to any position wherever you are in any part of the country. She said it was only when seeking elective position that this became an issue but not when voting.
"I am Delta person. Do you tell me to go and vote in my state of origin? But it becomes and issue when I am the one seeking the elective position. It is then you realise I am not an indigene but a settler."
And many politicians have exploited this. If the numerical strength of settlers could be exploited to win elections, why can't a settler stand for the same election? Another political scientist, Segun Kayode, said the issue of a settler is a misnomer that no rational person should be talking about.
"The idea of a settler is a misnomer. The constitution, to the best of my knowledge does not recognise settlers but citizens. So far you are operating within the law, why can't you aspire to a political office? A Korean can come here and buy property and he employs people and pays them. Why, for God's sake, he can not contest for an election. This, to me, is without prejudice and injury to the integrity of the culture of the people and original indigenes of where he is operating."
On the Fulani herdsmen, Kayode said it would be like begging the question by saying they are settlers. "We can't see them as a nuisance. We all feed from their activities. By nature of his job, he is nomadic. Government should plan the society such a way that the farmer and the herdsman can operate unhindered."
As if to prove that the issue should not been seen as a big one, some state governors have been appointing non-indigenes into their cabinets. In Yobe State, Bukar Ibrahim appointed a Yorubaman an adviser. In fact, the fellow, from Ilesha, in Osun State, was first nominated by the governor for commissionership which was turned down by the state House of Assembly. He later made him a special adviser. In Ekiti, Ayo Fayose, the state governor, has an Hausa man, Mallam Ali Garba, as a Special Adviser. The man is in charge of all the governor's correspondences.
A councillor representing one of the wards in the Kano Municipality is a Yoruba man and he contested and won the elections with votes from Hausa native indigenes. In fact, an observer told THISDAY that the so-called division does not exist when it comes with individual relationships but are played up by politicians when seeking a leverage.
Should It Be an Issue in the First Place?
Turaki does not think so. To him, it is a non-issue. "We have cases and I do not want to mention names, where some former military governors and some former President even came from other countries. I have said this because I feel strongly about this. This is because if somebody could come from another country and we recognise him as a leader, then why are we shouting about somebody from Nigeria?"
Turaki promised to get the matter dealt with once and for all at the next meeting of the Northern Governors Forum which he is the current chairman. But how far can they go?
When will politicians stop playing the "settler" game?
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