The Road to War:The Road to Peace
Nobody took him seriously. He was dismissed as a hooligan who would easily be melted by the grueling might of the Federal Government. From one level to the other the otherwise localised clashes in Rivers state among rival cult groups soon assumed a disturbing dimension and became a nation's cliff hanger.
Both security agencies and other agencies of government had given little thought to the capacity of the disturbances in Port Harcourt to be a serious national problem. It turned out as one.
Intelligence reports were treated with levity, or even sabotaged by those who should act on them. Not too long, the sore soon festered and became a national embarrassment. A certain Asari Dokubo had overnight appeared on the scene with a fierce militant mien, ready to exchange blood for oil.
While the SSS was lazily "building a profile" on him, the 40-year-old university drop-out employed his knowledge with the military prowess he has acquired to launch intractable offensives on the Nigerian state.
He was soon branded a rebel. But with a cause. He claims he has come to liberate his Ijaw people of the Niger Delta who are aged victims of an oppressive entity called Nigeria. That it is an intolerable (and humiliating) irony that the people of the Niger Delta, though live on the bank of the River Niger, literally wash their hands with spittle. And that gap has been the spark of the struggle. Isaac Boro began it in the 60s. He got crushed. Ken Saro-Wiwa picked it up in the 90s and got hanged. Asari Dokubo in 2004 has come with a fiery approach to a solution: armed struggle. With a frightening armoury and sophisticated weaponry, the rebellion had begun indeed. The foreign media had labelled him a rebel, and beamed its attention on the Niger Delta with all the attendant economic implications on global economic order. The price of crude oil had shut up to unprecedented height of $50 per barrel in the last one week.
And realising that even though the leper may not be able to milk cow, but can very well spill collected milk, the Government has been forced to dialogue with a group earlier described as "dissidents and "vandals"
Last night, the Olusegun Obasanjo administration which has been involved in peace talks with the various rival groups in the Niger Delta, for the third day running, signed peace accord with the "rebels". And now there is truce. But where do we go from there? What will give? What will change? Will the security agencies stop abetting crime in the Niger Delta? What about the other bunkerers like "Governor Tompolo" and "Oboko Bello"? Will they stop illegal bunkering now? Will there be job for the youths? Will the Niger Delta Governors who have received over N700 Billion in the last five years be more responsive with public funds now? Will the Federal Government become more interetsed in developing the Niger Delta? Will the roads and other infrasturcture in the Niger Delta now be remembered? What about the reeking images of poverty dancing in the market places in the Niger Delta? Will poverty be a little friendlier now? It is is not enough creating the NDDC. Funding it adequately to meet up with the challenges of developing the difficult terrain is imperative. No doubt, the state governments spend more money in tackling the problems of the terrain. They even undertake performing most of Federal Government duties both in road projects, hospitals, education etc. etc.
In this edition, Eddy Odivwri profiles the arrow head of the latest Rebellion in the Niger Delta and traces the slalom route to the peace accord.
Profile in Rebellion...
Perhaps, he is a born rebel. Even his adopted name is a marked signature of that rebellious instinct. His real name is Melford Goodhead. It was out of his rebellious tendency that he decided to change his name to Asari Dokubo. "Asari" is the name of a river in the Kalabari area, while Dokubo is the name of Asari's grandfather. He had adopted a new name and identity early in life, a reason that regularly made him run on parallel lines with his father, a former High court Chief Judge.
Asari is from Bille-Ke, a tiny sub group under the Kalabari kingdom, renowned for their genetical characteristics of being "stubborn" and unsuppressable nature. They have slight ideolectical difference with the rest of the kalabari people.
To pep up his rebellious instinct, Asari had suddenly dumped the family faith of Christianity and converted to Islam, a curious and unlikely religion in the Niger Delta. That is why today, he is Alhaji Asari Dokubo. But his real Islamic name is Mujahid Abubakar. Before then, he had belonged to the Okombia age group which operated like a cult within the Kalabari kingdom
Brilliant and bulky, the 40-year-old Asari had dropped out of school, allegedly also for the same rebellious activities. While some sources say Asari was rusticated from University of Calabar for cult-related offences, other sources say his radicalism was making him have regular and constant brushes with university authorities. Which account is true is not certain. But what is certain is that the man dropped out of the Law faculty of Unical in 1986, when he was already on 300 level. While in Unical, Asari was an active member of the Movement for Progressive Nigeria (MPN), leftist marxist political ideology.
Asari has two wives, and six children, all of which "are scattered around everywhere in the zone" to escape arrest or reprisal attacks.
After an aborted academic pursuit, Asari simply joined the burgeoning clan of environmental rights activists in the Rivers/ Bayelsa axis. His interest and devotion to the struggle soon earned him some measure of respect in the activists' community. "He always spoke about the struggle with raw passion and deep devotion," a source said of Asari.
Twelve years ago, as a young boy, he had stunned the Ijaw elders at the Port Harcourt Civic Centre, when he suddenly seized the microphone at a public forum to declare a Republic of Niger Delta. It was a prologue to a long drama of revolution.
And this made him a choice candidate to lead the Ijaw youths. In Year 2000, he was elected the south-east zonal Vice chairman of the Ijaw Youth Congress. By the following year, his performance and disposition to the struggle and agitation of the Ijaws had impressed the IYC apparatchik and he was elected the President of the group (IYC), although the election was disputed. That was in 2001. With that position and platform, Asari super-intended over the affairs of the entire Ijaw nation, wherever they existed and resided.
He soon became suffused with "Ijawmania", aggregating and defending the interest of the Ijaw nation with a near reckless zeal. That explains why he was said to have been involved in the fight between the Ijaws and the Arogbo-Ijaws in Ondo state in 1997/98; in the fight between the Ijaws and the Itsekiris of Delta state and in some other ethnic skirmishes between the Ijaws and others.
IYC members who spoke to THISDAY confirmed that "from the very earliest stage, Asari has always believed and advocated armed struggle," adding that "that was much before he became an officer of the group." That thus explains why the keel of the struggle increased in violence and brawn when Asari became the leader of the group.
In no time, he became an adjudicator, one who is used to settle scores between or among conflicting interests.
And that was the beginning of his public affront.
His debut in this regard was said to have been during the installation of the present Amayanabo of Kalabari, Professor Theophilus Princewill. While Dokubo was said to have supported the installation of the Amayanabo, some "three and half" chiefs in the palace did not support him, and consequently invited their sons, who were members of the Icelander cult led by Tom Ateke to intervene in stopping the installation of the Amayanabo. That was the beginning of the clash between Dokubo and Asari. Ever since then, there has never been a peaceful intersection of the paths of both combatants.
Fired By Political Canons...
Many people in Rivers State, particularly Port Harcourt, believe that the rounds of crises in the state are politically induced. Those who so believe argue that both Tom Ateke and Asari Dokubo were both loyalists of the governor. That they only parted ways because of certain disagreements on principles of operation.
But officials of the Rivers state government who discussed with THISDAY last Wednesday explained that the neither the Rivers state government, nor the Governor had any "one-on-one dealing with Dokubo or any of the rebel groups"
The official explained that "as IYC president, we could not have ignored Dokubo. It's not possible".
He explained further that the claim that Dokubo worked for Odili's re-election was a mere hollow claim, arguing that so many people claim "they worked for Odili, they worked for Odili, even my dog will come and say that he worked for Odili", asking, "what did Asari Dokubo do? How many votes did he cast? Our relationship with him was merely on the basis of his office as the IYC president and not because he is Asari Dokubo."
The official claimed that "I am not even sure if he (Dokubo) even ever met with His Excellency (Odili)".
The official pointed out that Asari Dokubo's younger sister, Boma, had even gone ahead to contest the 2003 elections on the platform of National Democratic Party (NDP).
But Dokubo in several interviews had said he fell out with Odili when the latter urged him to deny a statement the IYC issued in condemning the 2003 elections. The IYC had pooh-poohed the polls, saying it was completely marred with irregularities. Although Dokubo said they were willing to work for Odili, at first and not Obasanjo, they were peeved with the degree of rigging that took place during the polls. "There was actually no election. It was merely the allocation of votes," Dokubo said.
Some persons even believe that a lot of the arms in circulation and in the hands of the 'rebels' were procured by government for the purpose of using them to achieve political ends. But the government official refuted this. Barrister Emmanuel Okah, the Chief Press Secretary, explained that Gov Odili is a "peaceful man", one who cannot contemplate using violence to achieve his political ambition, stressing that "he is popular among the people of the state and will thus have no need to resort to unconventional means of securing power."
But the Rivers state government believes also that the twists and modifications of Dokubo's course are a product of "tutoring from some political wise men".
The Rivers state Government had actually accused powerful persons from neighbouring states of fuelling the cylinder of the crisis in the state. The state had implied that some persons (perhaps fellow political leaders in the zone) were scared of the Odili political profile and were conspiring to use the Dokubo menace to undo him and thus his political career.
The source argues that while Dokubo started off as an anti-rival group fighter, he soon became an Ijaw fighter determined to liberate the Ijaw nation. And then he became an anti-Odili man pursuing the course of free and fair elections, and now he talks about liberating the entire Niger Delta. That way, he has come to assume the toga of a rebel with a cause. But the Rivers state government officials who actually expressed surprise that Dokubo was seemingly dignified by the presidential invitation for a dialogue, believe that Dokubo "is a creation of the media", arguing that "if you remove the media from Dokubo, he will just be a mere common criminal."
But if he was a mere common criminal, how come he had held the state and the economic scrotum of the nation to ransom all along? How come he had evaded arrest or a crush of his Volunteer Force?
Where is the Security Network?
How did Asari Dokubo happen on the nation with such fierce and deadly grip? Is Asari Dokubo new to the security forces? Why the sudden and latter day zeal to hack him down? Where is all their network? THISDAY gathered that although the State Security Services (SSS) had been filing sufficient reports on the deadly capabilities of Dokubo, the operations unit of the agency has virtually allowed the reports to host layers of dust in their offices.
There has been a complete system inertia, a source said, adding that "a lot of intelligence had been gathered on Dokubo over the last two years in order to build his profile, but did not have reason to arrest him until recently when he committed the crime of killing people during his father's burial."
His bunkering activities were even said to have thrived and be sustained with the active connivance of the security forces, who most times offer him cover and veiled protection. Dokubo, who is a self-confessed bunkerer, is said to have used the proceeds of his bunkering to "settle" the security apparatchik, to his advantage. Dokubo, in a recent interview, disclosed that even after he had been declared wanted, he still meets with security personnel, "sometimes they even exchange cigarette with some of my boys who smoke."
Dokubo is believed to have an intimidating military arsenal most of which are grenades and chemical explosives.
Sources at the Brick House explained that some of the security reports had actually been misleading the Joint Task Force constituted last September 3 to flush out the "rebels". The source said: "They (security reports) will tell you he (Dokubo) is in Ogbakiri when they know he is in Bakana." The source lamented that some of the security personnel prefer that the crisis lasted longer "because the longer the crisis, the wealthier they will become because they are profiteering from it. Informed sources noted that the Rivers state governor had been so disturbed about the crises that he has "blown" his near N2 billion security vote to crush the "criminal".
Indeed, about two months ago, the Rivers state government made a song and dance out of the hand-over of arms by the feuding groups. Ateke was even said to have handed over his magic wand that facilitated his vanishing streak. So why did the security official not arrest them at that time? Why were they allowed to go back and eventually started wreaking havoc again?
Security sources explained that the arms surrender was not done by the combatants themselves but by their proxies. Yet the security failed (or is it refused to) use the proxies to trace the 'rebels'.
Last Tuesday, the newly constituted Joint Task force, now brimming with military efficiency, had explained that its hesitance in using maximum means in crushing Dokubo, is "because of of past antecedents of military involvement in internal security operations and the resultant public opinions."
But even after about a month of its operations and raid of the likely hide-outs of Dokubo, even in the creeks like Ogbakiri, Bakana or Orusangana, he has remained elusive. Sources said he has been hiding in Kula, a creek on the edge of the Atlantic Ocean. The creek is about three hours of boat row from Port Harcourt and about 20 minutes from Brass (in Bayelsa state).
The Warfare Edge...
Although the federal might is enormous and can actually come crushing with a grinding squeeze, many believe that the rough riverine terrain of the creeks where Dokubo has been hibernating has been of immense advantage to the "rebels".
The location of his camps, which is in far field sea creeks, have aided his military prowess and survivalist edge so far. The Navy are said not to have enough knowledge of the terrain as much as the Dokubo boys. But beside that, Dokubo seemingly has some goodwill going for him. The ordinary Ijaw man sees him as a liberationist. Although he is dreaded, he is believed to be an emancipator and thus has the goodwill of a lot of the people. It was the exploration of that good will, it was learnt, that aided his attempted recruitment of more forces from Warri in the last two weeks, to re-inforce his "troop" in the creeks. The mobilisation of more fighters from Warri was said to have been foiled by the intervention of some Ijaw elders who persuaded Asari to beat a retreat in the struggle.
Who Funds Dokubo?
He claimed in an interview that the NDPVF has 168,000 fighters. It may be mere war propaganda. But the truth is that he has a large following. Sources in Government House Port Harcourt noted that "he is popular because all the army of unemployed youths flock to him because of the great gains of bunkering"
Asari Dokubo confesses he is a bunkerer, on the grounds that he is taking what belongs to the Ijaw people. He believes that it is even the Federal government that is stealing what belongs to the Ijaws. He sells his stolen crude to international syndicate and gets paid in hard currency. That is the major source of his funds with which he runs his army. He was even being fingered in the missing MT Jimoh, the ship arrested for bunkering which later disappeared from the custody of the Nigerian Navy.
Also from the bunkering, he gets arms. He barters the crude for arms and that is why his armoury has grown in size and sophistication.
His bunkering and international network is enhanced by the use of hi-tech communication gadgets like the Thuraya. From the high sea and even the edge of the ocean, they maintain a close link with their international syndicate, one major factor that has aided their invincibility.
However, some people believe that even some Niger Delta governors may have provided some support to Dokubo and his fighters. In government circles, this theory seems to be strong, given the claim that the headquarters of the volunteer Force is in Warri. And that the headquarters of all the bunkering mafia in the Niger Delta is in Bomadi, Delta state.
Global Concern...
Nigeria's oil is a core commodity in the global oil market. Any threat to its flow is a threat to world economic order. That perhaps explains why the price of crude, in the last one week or so, has hit an all-time high of $50 per barrel.
Beside the need for peace, the global concern of Nigeria's oil explains the focus of both the Nigerian government and the international community. The decision to dialogue with Dokubo et al is based on the belief that although their rebellion could be crushed, their mischief value could have incalculable damaging effect on the Nigerian economy. "They could blow up oil installations in the whole of the Niger delta and thus sink our economy", a source told THISDAY in the Aso Rocks Villa, adding that "hence we have to employ some diplomacy in guiding ourselves from the paths of ultimate showdown."
Calling on him and other armed groups in the zone to lay down their arms and embrace dialogue, Hon Emmanuel Aguariavwodo, the Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) noted that unless the swords were sheated, the armed groups will inadvertently turn the region into a war zone. He said in a war situation the Niger Delta will ultimately lose as its women will be raped, children killed, lives and property of innocent people destroyed etc.
He expressed the confidence that with the readiness of the Niger Delta master plan now, there is bound to be improved development of the zone on a systematic basis, assuring that with the over N700 billion so far given to the region by the Obasanjo government in the last five years, through derivation funds and Federal government allocation, Obasanjo was determined to turn around the region for the better.
How Dokubo Was Brought Before Obasanjo...
Security report on the President's table when he returned from the UN recently showed that danger was imminent in the Niger Delta. The Security operatives had been placed on red alert, but there was no assurance that such a measure would forestall danger.
Dokubo was already recruiting more boys into his force for a re-launch of his offensive after finishing what the Force described as "Operation Isaac Boro". Dokubo had vowed that the next stage of the fight would be most bloody.
The government had a disposition for dialogue. But there was no possible or reliable link between government and the Rebels. But a clue was soon offered by a Port Harcourt based top government official. The government official had had some telephone call exchanges with Dokubo, just three days earlier. Based on his assurances of no betrayal, Dokubo had sent some of his aides to the government official. Both parties fixed a meeting for last Tuesday in Port Harcourt.
Where will the venue be? Dokubo kept it secret, saying he will tell the government official few hours to the meeting.
He (Dokubo) was to send two his aides (one elderly 50-something years old man and a twenty-something year old) again. They arrived at the residence of the government official, while the rain was falling about 10.00 pm. They refused to disclose the venue until they were ready to move, In a convoy of five cars, the party left, amidst the heavy rain fall, The government official was fully guarded by his armed guards .
The venue turned out to be a bush path shortly after University of Port-Harcourt, in the outskirt of the city. The cover of darkness and the falling rain made the meeting a perfectly protected from the prying eyes of security personnel's.
Dokubo was met with over a dozen of his men "all armed to the teeth." In the brief discussions that followed, some deals were struck. The presidency was contacted right there, and a scheme was worked out. Time was past midnight. The Presidency offered to send an aircraft very early Wednesday. Before people could wake up Wednesday, the team (Dokubo and the government official) all with their armed aides, were all in the Abuja-bound air craft. They soon arrived Abuja an were promptly corralled into waiting security cars that ferried them to security guests houses in the city, where they had breakfast and were psychologically prepared for the meeting.
Before the meeting held last Wednesday, sources say Obasanjo heaved a sigh of relief that the "Rebel" was within his reach and expressed deep appreciation to the government official who facilitated the meeting.
At the meeting, Dokubo was said to have been bold in his submissions and demands. He was said to have requested a share of the oil revenue as a way of giving up bunkering. It was not certain if this demand was acceded to. He was said to have also demanded the convocation of a Sovereign National Conference, and a cessation of attacks. The latter demand was agreed to and became a resolution of the meeting.
Spiritual Warfare...
Perhaps, one reason why there appears an end to the crises is the spiritual balm being applied by the wife of the Rivers State Governors, Justice Mary Odili.
She was said to have been organising the Rivers women for fasting and prayer sessions. They had actually propelled the state government to also officially call for a three-day fasting and prayer sessions last month. "Because of her involvement in her TAP programme, Her Excellency has been very popular with the rural women of the state, and that is why they have been very enthusiatic in co-operating with her in these trying times", Okah said, adding that "they have been praying and we surely believe that the light at the end of the tunnel can also be creditted to this factor."
Mrs Odili was said to have also organised the women to preach against cultism in the state. Even her "Adolescent Programme" has been mobilised also to give moral support to the struggle against violence in the state.
For Odili, A Sigh of Relief
Many supporters of the governor of Rivers State had been worried about the way things were going. They were worried particularly because of the belief that there might have been a fifth columnist at work with the aim of derailing the perceived 2007 ambition of Odili. With the intensity of the crisis, many were openly asking if it was not intended to portray the governor as incapable of maintaining peace in his domain. However, with the gradual resolution of the crisis, this may not hold water eventually.
"Odili has achieved so much in his state for his future political fortunes to be threatened," a member of the PDP said. "We all appreciate his efforts in education, healthcare delivery, independent power project, road rehabilitation and construction, free school buses etc. Odili spent N4 billion to rebuild the Port Harcourt Airport road which had been a problem for ages. It is a federal road. It kept collap[sing after repairs. But now the problem has been solved. The engineers had to scoop two feet into the soil and refill with fresh sand before they could tar the road. It cost a lot of money. The IPP project has gulped N37 billion. These are concrete achievements. These are the things that will count at the end of the day."
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