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Challenges for Nigeria's quest for unity (3)

Concluding part of the lecture by Chief Ebenezer Babatope delivered under the auspices of the National Association of Political Science Students, University of Ilorin, Kwara State chapter on October 18, 2004.

The challenges ahead
Let me conclude this presentation by itemising what I consider the challenges that lie ahead of Nigerians in our quest for unity and stability.

Our founding fathers (Awo, Zik, Ahmadu Bello and Balewa) and through their inspirational leadership and sacrifices laid a solid foundation for the indivisibility of the Nigerian federal state. The desire of Nigerians to ensure the success of the current democratic experiment since May 29, 1999 (despite the odds and problems often created by divisionist forces) has equally helped in this enterprise.

The challenges in the struggle for unity as I see it lie in the following areas:-

  • Cementation of democracy and democratic culture in our country;

    • the convocation of a National Conference (not Sovereign National Conference) to redefine the federal nature of our country's existence;

      • consolidating our gains since 1999 and honouring our heroes.

        Let me examine these challenges in brief terms before rounding up this lecture.

        Cemetation of Democracy
        Democracy remains the best form of government known to man. In concrete terms, two democratic republics have been made to collapse in Nigeria since our independence in 1960. Our current experiment is the country's third major attempt at establishing Democratic rule.

        Since 1999, Nigerians have held two major elections. Despite all the problems associated with these elections, our country men and women now seem to agree that the worst civilian regime is much more better than the most benevolent military regime. In other words, Nigerians are no longer in the mood to surrender themselves anyone to the whims and caprices of our sons in the Armed Forces who since January 15, 1966 have been waking us up from our beds with the familiar slogan of "good morning, fellow Nigerians."
        I am not saying the coups are no longer possible in Nigeria. I am however clear in my mind that a would be coup maker in the Nigerian Armed Forces will have to think more than twice before romancing himself with what now appears in the eyes of Nigerians to be a funny joke.

        All Nigerians must join in the struggle to permanently cement democracy and democratic culture in our country. Our democratic experiment has since May 29, 1999 yielded positive results. Today, Nigerians are treated with respect in all countries of the world. We are no longer subjected to excruciating searches by Immigration officials of other lands. Nigerian travellers are no longer sniffed by dogs in European and American capitals. Today, Nigeria has returned forcefully to the committee of free nations. Where yesterday we were treated like a pariah nation and our country was gladly seen to be outside international organisations, today Nigerians has been playing leading roles in African and International Affairs. We owe this to the democratic platform we in this country have embraced since May 29, 1999.

        Though problems still abound (as they will for ever be), Nigerians must continue to make all the necessary sacrifices needed to establish democratic traditions in Nigeria. I must here praise the Nigerian Armed Forces for their firm resolution in supporting the Nigerian people in the quest to make democracy succeed in our country.

        Formerly, simple socio-political eruptions in Nigeria have often been used as excuses for a coup by the soldiers. We have been told several times before by military officers that some politicians have often cajoled and coerced soldiers into staging coups. Nigerians are impressed that the Nigerian Armed Forces are determined to combat this whenever such situation arises. The constant affirmation of support to the country's democratic experiment by leaders of our country's Armed Forces deserves the commendation of all.

        It is equally laudable that the Nigerian society is no longer receptive to rumour mongering - a factor that the neo-colonialists had used to undermine progressive leadership and governments of developing nations of Africa. Every little eruption within the political system is deliberately interpreted by rumour mongering to create restiveness within the army. This has diminished today in Nigeria. No matter the criticisms that will continue to be made of the Chief Olusegun Obasanjo regime, no one can write off the programmes and policies he has courageously and often times stubbornly been executing in building solid foundation for the country's democratic experiment. It is to Obasanjo's credit that he has (no matter what anyone may say) since May 29, 1999 been maintaining the delicate balance of power in Nigeria and this is important. He has equally given the Nigerian people a stake in the political process. He must however face the economy. There is HUNGER in the land.

        Democracy, however, is an expensive venture more so in developing nations. We must never shy away in judiciously allocating our money and resources to sensitive areas of our country's institutions in order to make our democratic experiment to succeed. We must spend money to professionalise our Armed Forces and build in them the culture of being mainly concerned with the defence of our territorial integrity rather than waste their energy in constant senseless pursuits of political power.

        There are millions of Nigerians who are today fearful of what may become of Nigeria with the coming 2007 elections. This fear is reasonable particularly when Nigerians acknowledge the fact that Obasanjo who has a commanding personality and whose administration has within objective standards been successful in holding the country together will be vacating the stage in year 2007.

        I can however, assure Nigerians that this justifiable fear will be defeated by the supreme will of the common people of Nigeria who (as I have mentioned earlier) have resolutely stood by the unity and continued existence of Nigeria as an indivisible entity.

        Nigerians have shown in their history since 1914 that no one can be greater than the country. No politician can subdue the country into accommodating whatever might be his individual programmes for political power and self-actualisation. The political storms will definitely be there in 2007 but the storms will successfully blow over Nigeria. The challenge before us lies in our unshaken belief in the democratic system.

        Nigerian people equally know that political freedom is a cherished worldwide value and the right of all mankind. It is a matter for joy that despite all our problems our country's democracy is marching on and it is flourishing. If democracy succeeds in Nigeria, it will flourish in all countries of black Africa.

        There is the urgent need for our country to have a National Conference. I have never agreed with Nigerians who have been advocating for the Convocation of a sovereign national conference.

        The struggle for the convocation of a sovereign assumed greater proportions and immensity after the unfortunate annulment of the June 12, 1993 elections and it equally became stronger during the regime of the late General Sani Abacha. Since the death of Gen. Sani Abacha, the transition programme of Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd) that eventually paved the way to the restoration of a democratic regime on May 29, 1999 has to me altered the character and the message of the struggle for a sovereign conference in Nigeria. The sovereign authority in Nigeria lies with all the elected political leaders and institutions in the country. A Sovereign National Conference is only the panacea to problems of countries where democratic political institutions have collapsed thereby leading to the centre of authority in those states being unable to hold these states together.

        Emphasis is now being mentioned by protagonists of a Sovereign National Conference for Nigeria on the fear of executive manipulation of decisions of a National Conference. The nearest example of a country that experimented with a Sovereign National Conference in her history is the Republic of Benin where a Bishop De Souza had acted as Chairman of the Conference. In the example of the Republic of Benin, it was clear that President Kerekou had lost all legitimacy to continue to govern Benin Republic at the time.

        We today in Nigeria have democratic institutions that have been elected by the Nigerian electorate and we equally have democratically elected leaders to manage the affairs of Nigeria. With these available to us, we no longer need to continue to call for a Sovereign National Conference.

        There however, is the desired need for a National Conference. The principal aim of the National Conference is to help redefine clearly and unambiguously the federal nature of our country's existence. The conference will help Nigerians in defining the issues of:

        • Political power equation in Nigeria

          • The place of Religion in our national life

            • The economic relationship to be pursued within the socio-economic arrangement in Nigeria

              • The harmonisation and possible blending of the cultural diversities of the country

                • The structural placement of sensitive organs of state like the Police, Army etc within our federal arrangement

                  • The issue of power relationship between the Federal and state governments in a federation etc.

                    It must be admitted (and creditably to all Nigerians) that our federation remains today one of the few surviving federations in the world. Other federations like the Soviet Union, Checkoslovakia and Yugoslavia have collapsed like a pack of cards. We need a National Conference to help us cement firmly our resolve to continue to live together as members of a united democratic federal state. Federations are governed by compromise, consensus and coalition of interests. A National Conference of the Nigeria people will help us define how these principles will be successfully applied to our federal existence. The conference will also help us exterminate the use of Religion as potent weapon in the hands of dangerous elements to continue to endanger the peace, unity and stability of our country.

                    Time will not permit me to state here what could be the composition of such a National Conference. I have done such an exercise in a lecture I delivered in July, 2004 at Osogbo. Let me however submit that President Olusegun Obasanjo should use his strong presidency to convene the conference. The convocation of a National Conference is very crucial in our country's march to stability and progress.

                    In our quest for unity, stability and progress, we must honour the heroes in our society. We must recognise talents and we must never allow the contributions of citizens to our country's political development to peter into oblivion.

                    Our battles with corruption and political management can be better waged with out iron resolve never to obliterate the positive contributions of our fellow countrymen and women to the nation's progress.

                    Drawing from the examples of the life and times of Nigeria's nationalist leaders like Sir Ahmadu Bello, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Herbert Macaulay, Alhaji Aminu Kano, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Chief H.O Davies, we must find out how they were able to subject themselves to personal and political lives that did not accommodate a propensity for the acquisition of wealth. We must ask why these leaders were never associated with no criminal looting of our country's resources during their time in power. The Foster Sutton and Coker commissions of enquiry that were established to probe the African Continental Bank and the National Bank respectively in Nigerian's first republic never produced results that showed an unlawful personal enrichment of the Nigerian great leaders (Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe and Chief Obafemi Awolowo) who were the political leaders tried by those tribunals. We must as a nation use their lives to find out why the political parties established by our founding fathers never permitted the use of money to bar the emergence of Nigerians dedicated to offering genuine leadership to the country.

                    It is sad that it is simply impossible these days to find Nigeria's finest and the best contesting elections simply because such individuals have no access to money. It is a reality of our national life today that a Nigerian who can not pull together nearly half a million naira should not venture to put himself forward as a candidate of local council councillorship position. It is equally lamentable that our electoral regulations officially ordered by electoral agencies of government even put deposits for elective positions far beyond the capabilities of otherwise good candidates who can not pull together such huge deposits.

                    In the days of our founding fathers, delegates to National Conventions paid their ways to such conventions. These days (at least since 1991) delegates to National Conventions of their political parties are paid. Even allowances are today being paid to politicians who attend meetings to project the candidature of prospective candidates for elective positions.

                    A conscious policy of constantly making references to the principled and inspirational life styles of our past leader will help us establish a tradition of selfless service to our country.

                    Shortly before General Olusegun Obasanjo (as he then was) handed over power to President Aliyu Shehu Shagari in 1979, he established a committee of intellectuals to attempt a rewrite of the history of Nigeria. This was an attempt to immortalise the contributions of our heroes at various stages of the country's historical development. Unfortunately, successive regimes in Nigeria have not continued with the programme. It will be to the best interests of our country if President Obasanjo can revive the committee and give it broader terms of reference that will totally subject our country to critical analysis of the country's history since our colonisation by the British in the 19th century.

                    We are lucky that we still have some of our county's nationalist who were aides and comrades of our founding fathers still breathing the air of life in our country. We must identify all of them still alive and honour them. We must go to them to give us their life experiences. They must tell their stories and such stories will surely be a source of inspiration and strength for those of our citizens aspiring to govern Nigeria. These surviving leaders include Alhaji Maitama Sule, Alhaji Ali Monguno, Chief Theophilus Sobowale Benson, Alhaji Lateef Jakande, Papa Archdeacon Emmanuel Alayande, Chief Abraham Adesanya, Chief C.C. Onoh, Chief Harold Dappa Biriye, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Madam Margaret Ekpo, Chief Sebastian Umoren, Chief M. T. Mbu, Chief Nbazulike Amechi, Chief Michael Imoudu, and Alhaji Tanko Yakassai. Alhaji Yakassai, a tailor by profession, was one of the militant youth activists of the Mallam Aminu Kano's NEPU Talakawa Movement that by dint of hard work and perseverance personally educated himself to the level that he is today. He remains today one of the most credible sources on the growth and development of progressive politics in the Northern states.

                    There are other second layer leaders of the Nigerian nationalist struggle who are still equally alive to tell their stories particularly those related to the radical participation of the youths of those days in the struggle to free Nigeria from British colonial rule. Such men include Dr. Tunji Otegbeye who led the Nigerian Youth Congress for many years before joining the late Wahab Goodluck, Dr. Lasisi Osunde and others to establish the Nigerian Socialist Workers and Farmers Party (SWAFP), Chief Ayo Adebanjo who was an Action Group Organising Secretary in the colonial era and who with late Comrade S. G. Ikoku fled to Ghana in the wake of the Action Group crisis of 1962, Professor Sam Aluko, Professor Obiechina, Professor Akin Mabogunje, Professor Wole Soyinka (Nigeria's Nobel Laureate), Professor Chinua Achebe who with the late Professor Chimere ikoku, Professor Obiechina and Professor Ikenna Nzimiro had established the FRANTZ FRANON Institute immediately after the end of the Civil War in 1970 at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka and several others. We must recognise these men and correctly place their contributions in Nigeria's roll of honour.

                    We as a nation must equally learn to recognise talents and give honour to Nigerians who have used their skills and God given talents to project the image of Nigeria.

                    It will be a piece of beauty to find a Nigeria's Sporting body to include the likes of Brigadier-General Samuel Osaigbovo Ogbemudia (rtd) (who when he was Military Governor of Mid West region established an AFUZE Sporting Village and developed sports to a reasonable area in the region. Edo State of today is still profiting from the unique vision) Dejo Fayemi, Segun Odegbami, Adokiye, football loving Emeka Omeruah, Alhaji Abdul Kareem Amu, the famous 400 meter champion of Nigeria, David Ejoke and Amusa Eke of the 60s, Violet Odogwu-Nwajei, Modupe Osikoya, and several others too numerous to mention.

                    I have implicit faith in the successful completion of the struggle of Nigerians for unity, progress and stability. Our country's future history will by the grace of God be written in gold.

                    The wordings of our National Anthem which was commissioned and put into operation by General Olusegun Obasanjo's military administration in 1976 are indicative of our total commitment to the unity of Nigeria and a deserving tribute to our fathers who pioneered the political independence of Nigeria.

   



 
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