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El-Rufai: Ensnared by a caustic tongue?

The Senate last week asked FCT Minister Mallam Nasir el-Rufai to refund N18 million paid to two special assistants not approved by President Olusegun Obasanjo. Group Politics Editor, Felix Ofou examines this latest face-off between the minister and the upper legislative chamber and concludes that as always, el-Rufai�s tongue may have put him in trouble

 

The dance of a short man is predictable. So is his style of talking. For the dance, the short man evolves a pattern that enables him to gallop in a manner as if he is desperate to add some more height to his physiognomy. Not only does the man with less height talk rather loudly, he wants to be noticed each time he opens the mouth to talk. At least, this much is true of the Federal Capital Territory Minister (FCT), Mallam Nasir el-Rufai.

Irrespective of his diminutive stature, el-Rufai is one man that wants to be noticed. Some people have described him as a �power dresser,� but that is because he also has a loud dress sense. The essence, undoubtedly, is to call attention to his persona. And, you are bound to be attracted, and, subsequently glued, when he opens his mouth to talk. He leaves you with the impression all the time that references to him as a whizkid or one of Nigeria�s top kids on the blocks are not misplaced after all.

Perhaps, it is on account of this unique psycho-analytical faux pas that el-Rufai is forever in the news. His penchant for courting controversies has also become legendary. Not only does the FCT minister not suffer fools gladly, he is one man who definitely wants to be heard at all times. And he is sure to have an opinion on every subject or issue that is thrust before him.

As the late sage Chief Obafemi Awolowo once noted, the hallmark of an educated man is steeped in this reality. He must know something about everything, and everything about something. If we accept this observation as a true test of intelligence and education, then it would be safe to further conjecture that this Zaria-born technocrat from Kaduna State is a bundle of brain and high I.Q.

But, that is not to say that Mallam, as some prefer to call him, which translated means �teacher,� has not done well for himself. Yes, he has had to fight many battles and taken up persons sometimes considered �untouchables� and survived them unscathed.

Even in situations where he has had his nose bruised or bloodied, el-Rufai seemed to have found a way to smoothen the rough edges. It may well mean that he is indeed a smart alec.

Should it then be safe to assume that the minister remains immune from falling, after climbing the Augean stable? Of course it would amount to self-delusion to reach such conclusions in haste. That is the problem most people have with the man. His self-confidence seems predicated on assumed and over bloated estimation of what his acclaimed godfather, in this case Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, thinks about him. Moreover, the fact that he has also enjoyed tremendous support from President Olusegun Obasanjo has served as further catalyst in the perception of his personality.

However, the latest face-off with the upper legislative chamber, the Senate, regarding the hiring of two special assistants, has once again brought to the fore inherent contradictions between el-Rufai�s claim of being transparent and what the reality really is. And although he has since dismissed the latest brouhaha with an outright wave of the hand, there is no doubt that this time around, he has more than a cursory explanation to make.

As have become customary, Nigerians expect him to shoot on all cylinders. It would definitely not be in his interest to succumb to �pressures� from his bosses to back down this time around, as was the case during the N54 million bribe scandal. No matter the outcome, Nigerians are interested in how this latest problem would be handled by the Harvard-trained whizkid.

Making of the el-Rufai myth

Several factors helped in creating what can rightly be described as the el-Rufai myth. It dates back to his days as the director-general of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE). As the man saddled with the task of privatising the nation�s public enterprises, he made it known almost from the start that the exercise was not going to be business as usual, where such vices as graft, nepotism and godfatherism play key role in determining who gets what. At least, it must be conceded to Mallam that he injected the word �auction� �preferred bid� and �core investor� into the nation�s lexicon.

Of course, it was also to his credit that the privatisation exercise, though started by former military ruler, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), has attracted accolades for President Obasanjo. El-Rufai took the job at the BPE as a serious one and ensured that the process was near flawless.

But, he got some bashing after analysts observed that the process was not entirely transparent. They picked holes in the manner Chief Peter Eloka Okocha emerged atop the African Petroleum (AP) after being declared as the preferred bidder through the Chrismatel Group. There are claims that Okocha was a front for Atiku. Besides, the fact that the BPE was unable to detect that AP was in debt of over N2 billion at the point of purchase slurred the process even further.

Similarly, Nigerians remember with nostalgia claims that Chief Mike Adenuga�s Conoil, which bought over the then National Oil, was only a front for Babangida, just as there were insinuations that the former military ruler has substantial stake in Globacom, also owned by Adenuga. Considering the alleged role of Babangida in trying to persuade the BPE to return the GSM licence earlier granted to Adenuga�s then CIIL did not help to douse the suspicion.

Above all, there have been suggestions that most of the public enterprises bought over by Alhaji Aliko Dangote took place under less transparent circumstances, especially the sale of the Benue Cement Company (BCC), Gboko, in Benue State.

Interestingly, el-Rufai chose not to sidestep the accusations as DG of BPE. He went for the jugular of his critics and saw to it that no point raised was left uncountered. The FCT minister timed his responses to the uncomplimentary remarks, ensuring that the responses were targeted at having the maximum effect on the polity.

Enter Minister el-Rufai

Mallam el-Rufai�s nomination as a minister last year did not come to many as a surprise. The dominant belief was that he had played the �good boy� role to the hilt and that the nomination was a testimony of how well he functioned as DG of the BPE. There were also suggestions that the nomination was compensation from Atiku, who had been adequately rewarded by a faithful and loyal ward. But, hopes that he would be cleared early by the Senate soon failed, as his nomination was among the last to be endorsed by the upper legislative chamber.

Yet, no soon after he was surprisingly (?) appointed FCT minister, than el-Rufai relapsed into his legendary penchant for courting trouble. First, he rejected the title of �Honourable Minister� which his other colleagues relish. Instead, he directed that he should be referred to as �Mr Minister� or simply �Mallam�.

Then followed the rolling out of the dreaded bulldozers and the subsequent demolition of �illegal� property in the FCT. He could not be bothered whether some of the structures were churches or mosques. Neither could he be swayed that the owners of some of the property slated for destruction belonged to the top echelon of society. Not for him such niceties. All el-Rufai simply did was to lay bare the rules: no sacred cow was to be spared. �It is not true that I have been sent here to demolish houses as the media have been reporting of late, but if a person builds on a sewer line, then the house has to go. The interest of the city overrides that of any individual. We won�t rush, but we are still taking inventory of all illegal structures in the city. We won�t discriminate. The law must be followed � no house built on sewer lines or on water lines will be spared, whether it belongs to a poor man or a big man,� he was quoted to have said last year after the bulldozers went to town, destroying in its wake any such houses marked for that purpose by officials of the ministry.

As proof of his regular braggadocio, the diminutivetechnocrat recently took a swipe at the police, accusing the force of corruption. He particularly stated in a petition sent to Police Affairs Minister, Broderick Bozimo, that recruits for the cadet inspectors� training were being asked to cough out N60,000 each. The claim was later discovered to be unfounded, according to the outcome of an investigation ordered by the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Tafa Balogun. But nothing was done to make el-Rufai eat his words.

Equally interesting was the manner he confronted the Housing and Urban Development Minister, Mrs Mobolaji Osomo, in the so-called Abuja recertification exercise. Perhaps, he only restrained from describing Osomo�s vituperations as the �ranting of an ant.� It did not matter that both ministers belong to the same federal cabinet.

Osomo was the first to pick holes in the recertification exercise. �So much depends on the C of Os. Some have been used as collateral for bank terms while some financial institutions backed the erection of structures based on the evidence of possession of a C of O. There are lots of implications in withdrawing C of Os only issued. The confusion on the economy would be immense,� she quipped.

On his part, el-Rufai replied thus: �Our reforms are within the overall mandate Mr President gave me. That is to sanitise the FCT. The sanitation of the FCT is on three phases. The first is the reform of land administration, second phase is the procurement and contract management reform, and the third, of course, is human resources reform. These are the three-leg clean up FCT mandate Mr President gave me.�

As it turned out, the novelty and courage with which he has pursued the recertification exercise has vindicated el-Rufai, going by revelations published recently. According to the findings, 80 per cent of those issued the C of O initially were from the north, while only 20 per cent are from the south. In contrast, 80 per cent of lands developed in the FCT reportedly belong to Southerners and 20 per cent to Northerners.

A running battle with the Senate

There was no basis for el-Rufai�s revelation that some senators demanded N54 million bribe for him to be confirmed as minister. At least, there was no basis for it at the time he did. Or so it seemed. But, it turned out that it was made to achieve certain objectives. In fact, it soon became obvious that he was on a vendetta mission.

Yet, the minister did not mince words in naming Deputy Senate President, Ibrahim Mantu, and Majority Leader, Senator Jonathan Zwingina, as demanding the N54 million bribe to distribute to other senators, a claim that was jointly denounced by the two senators accused.

Mantu was not satisfied in simply denouncing the bribe claim. He decided that it was about time that he told the world that the minister was unhappy that his candidate was appointed DG of BPE in place of the nominee suggested by el-Rufai. Of course, Mantu�s candidate is the incumbent DG, Dr Julius Bala. A line was probably drawn at this time.

Then came the contentious issue of monetisation and the minister�s determination to dispose of the Apo quarters, which is the official residence of the lawmakers, including members of the House of Representatives. Most of the legislators saw the move as an affront and told him outright to back off.

Under the monetisation policy, the quarters were to be sold at competitive price in the open market, and the legislators were to pay rent to the new landlord(s). But, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Appropriation and Finance, Senator John Mbata, countered that since the property belonged to the Federal Government, that approval of the National Assembly was needed to give legal backing to the scheme.

But, Rufai would not agree to such a submission: �Mbata has got it all wrong. If he had asked me, I would have educated him on the matter,� adding, �Their estates in Maitama and Asokoro are shanties. We�ll demolish all of them sooner or later.�

For a man who once boasted that his powers were equivalent to that of the governor, it is not surprising that his comments on the Senate would be largely contemptuous. Besides, he may have been riding on the crest of popular support for his revelation on the N54 million bribe scandal to embark on a clear campaign of calumny against the Senate. Could it be a case of wanting to take a pound of flesh?

A case of dolarised special assistants?

Before this latest case of the discovery of two special assistants appointed by the minister allegedly without required authorisation, there was a hint about a female assistant said to belong to the same dollar racket as the Finance Minister, Dr (Mrs) Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and her Foreign Affairs counterpart, Ambassador Olu Adeniji, said to enjoy their remuneration paid in foreign currency.

Apparently, no concrete effort was made to verify the claim about the said female assistant. But, the Senate seems to have its hand on this latest controversy, and may be headed for a revenge unless it is stopped, perhaps through the usual �family affair� as have become customary with the ruling

Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

According to reports, the Senate has ordered the FCT minister to cough out N18 million, being the estimate of salary paid to two of his special assistants whose appointments were not regularised through direct approval of the President as laid down by the law, a stand which the whizkid has described as a vendetta on the part of the upper legislative chamber.

Again, el-Rufai�s reaction was predictive, though rather caustic: �I will be accountable to no one except the President and I will keep on doing my job. Since my engagement with the Senate, I know that for the next few years they will be trying to find something wrong with me. It�s okay for them to write their English, but nobody can intimidate Nasir el-Rufai. We will continue to do our job and in the next few weeks, you will understand many things that have been happening.�

Of course, there is no doubt that it is the minister that has laid his neck for the guillotine to fall on it. And the expectation is that beyond making such an order for the refund that more concrete steps would be taken to enforce it. Whether the senators would agree to wield the big stick is left for time to determine. If it decides to do so, it would be because of a man who uses his tongue to search for very big troubles. But is that all there is to life? Only Mallam Nasir el-Rufai can tell us. And the ball rests squarely in his court.

 

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