Nigeria's Minorities:
The Power of the Front Seat
By Monday Philips Ekpe
The driver's seat is a wonderful place. So is the seat of the pilot in a cockpit. Here you have one man who may or may not be totally in control of himself but whose job description entrusts him with the lives of several people.
Among the passengers may be presidents, governors, generals and business moguls. That fact does not matter. What does matter is the fact that the person whose seat gives him the power to control the movement or direction of the vehicle or aircraft is king. While the trip lasts. That it may not readily be acknowledged, also, does not matter.
The phenomenon did not start today. Being in front, having to lead others, being the final receiver of the buck, puts anyone above the rest of the pack. And, especially in lands where greed, avarice and base sentiments walk about the streets unchecked, being in the second or third position may be synonymous with defeat, with loss and with the portion of the victim.
The Nigerian version of democracy has always proved this; only that the situation seems to get worse every day. In many states, governors have learnt the ropes of survival. Taking a cue from the military, they bring all the machinery of government under their control. The state houses of assembly that are supposed to serve as major checks on the executive arm are either intimidated or bribed into submission. Of course, their deputies are often at their mercy, being so designed largely by the Nigerian Constitution that does not give them specific roles except being governors-in-waiting. And that is in case of resignation, impeachment, incapacitation or death. Apart from few places like Bauchi where the deputy governor is also a commissioner, heading a ministry, the relationship between the number one citizens and their deputies, in most cases, has been frosty.
From experience, as soon the state chief executives have the apparatus of power under their firm grip, they begin to operate as if there is no tomorrow. Many of them go on to personalise and plunder their governments. The picture thus created in the minds of people is that all it takes to wield influence, might and allocate projects and positions with zero checks in some places is to be governor.
One unfortunate characteristic of the polity today is mistrust among individuals and groups. There is dominant skepticism across the country as to whether there would be equitable distribution of resources. In some states, the fear is real; in some others, imagination has helped to create an atmosphere that makes peace and progress difficult.
The use to which the seat of power has been put in contemporary Nigeria has made the struggle to get there a do or die affair. In any case, who wants to be sidelined? Who wants to be left out in the cold to make do with leftovers? The quest for equity in the Nigerian federation is, therefore, not far from the clamour not to be left out of the action. The chorus is: It's our turn, it's our turn.
Turn to do what? Not likely the turn to selflessly lead the state into the promised land. Or the turn to get up and sacrifice for the benefit of others. But, most likely, the turn to hold the proverbial yam and the knife.
It must be stated, though, that those who are agitating for a shift of power to their zones or ethnic groups should not be waved aside as being petty or doing something unpatriotic. The differences which some of the founding fathers of the nation ignored in order to let Nigeria be on the map have simply refused to go away. They are beginning to work through the primordial instincts of politicians and activists to give birth to what is on the ground now.
In Niger State, for instance, the Nupes, Gwaris and some other groups are engaged in the struggle for the Government House in Minna. Same for Taraba State where the several ethnic groups have learnt over the years to be at one another's throats. Politically, however, the situation there is close to call. What obtains in states like Kebbi, Gombe, Bauchi, Yobe and Borno is almost the same where ethnicity stands tall in the voting behaviour of previous elections. In Ondo State, dialects of Yoruba are used to build walls and serve as basis for calls for power shift. In other monoethnic places like Abia and Ekiti, agitators of shift fall back on senatorial districts to press home their demands. There is no doubt that something has been set in motion.
People who were cowed under the military have rediscovered their voices. And they are putting them to use. Power is a beautiful thing. Being the one in charge, in control of it, could also present some daunting challenges. What the Nigerian people have seen so far is how being in that position has meant selective development. That perception could mean that not until these aspirations are adequately or, better still, constitutionally addressed, true tranquillity may continue to elude everyone.
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