Abia: Kalu Vs the Ngwa Rage
In Abia State, the struggle for the governorship seat in 2007 has squared up two main groups: The Incumbent governor's group, called The Reality, and the Abuja group. At the centre of this is the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc which has been relegated to the backwaters of the state's politics. But now the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc appears determined to take the fight to its logical conclusion. But then, the Abuja group may snatch defeat from the jaws of victory, with the ambitions of major players in the group. If they rein in their ambitions and settle for one person, they may reverse history. If they fail, they would have given a lee way to Kalu to bounce back and play the kingmaker, writes Oke Epia
Abia State prides itself as "God's own state." For that lofty characterisation, one would expect that everything in Abia including its politics and governance, will approach godly standards. But what obtains in reality is different.
Indeed, if there is any example of inequity in governance, Abia lends it without any pretence. In politics, it is said that demography is an advantage.
But in Abia demography is a disadvantage. Or made so by the uneven levers that pull politics and determine who gets what. How come that the majority is always treated like the minority? How come that those who have the number are excluded from the governance of the state? It sounds incredible, but in Abia State, that is the story of its politics and governance. The majority, which has been perpetually orphaned and excluded is the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc, which has two-thirds of the population of the state.
To appreciate the dynamics of Abia politics, one needs to understand the past. At independence, this bloc was prominent in national politics. In the first cabinet of independent Nigeria, this bloc had a minister, in the person of late Dr. Jaja Anucha Wachukwu. He was the first Aviation Minister, who built some notable airports in Nigeria. From there, he became the Speaker of the House of Representatives. But that headstart, became a disadvantage, due to the tragic turns of politics in Nigeria.
Since his departure, nobody from that area has been anything at the state or national level until Chief Adolf Wabara became the President of the current Senate. In the intervening 35 years, nobody has been minister, governor - military or civilian or held any position of significance, except when Dr. Paul Ogwuma became Gen. Sani Abacha's Central Bank Governor.
Military rule was the undoing of the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc. In all the years of military rule, nobody from that zone was governor or minister or head of a parastatals. Their disadvantage was directly, the advantage of the Bende bloc, where Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe, Rear Admiral Ndubusi Kanu, Rear Admiral Chijioke Kaja, Air Commodore Emeka Omeruah, Col. Paul Omeruah, Major General Ike Nwachukwu, Commodore Amadi Ikwechegh, Group Captain Orji, Dr. Idika Kalu, and others came from.
Their visibility in military politics gave their zone a headstart in politics in this way. Their positions in power or other symbols of access, enabled the people from the zone to be empowered, connected, and ready to seize the civil process, directed by the military in 1999. Despite their obvious disadvantages, even in popular vote in the primary elections of the Peoples Democratic Party, Governor Orji Uzor Kalu, emerged as governor, and has been there since.
It would not have mattered much. The Ukwa-Ngwa bloc, which quickly passed off that setback and prepared for the future was aroused by the pattern of allocation of power in 1999. Rather than give positions to the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc, all national positions and significant equivalents went to the Bende bloc. Of the two ministerial positions, the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc got none.
Instead, it was Chief Ojo Maduekwe and Price Vincent Ogbulafor, that were appointed. To add to that, Chief Mao Ohuabunwa held position of deputy leader in the House of Representatives. Chief Onyema Ugochukwu became Chairman of the Niger-Delta Development Commission (NDDC). That is at the same time that Chief Tony Ukasoanya became Chairman of the PDP in the state. Outmanouvered, and excluded, the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc was left to rue their misfortune.
But they were roused in 2000, when Chief Enyinnaya Abaribe, the deputy governor was compelled to face impeachment twice. The overly docile bloc was shocked from sleep to count its losses. Then began an unending agitation for not only the governorship, but positions at the centre.
Enter the 2003 elections. PDP's decision to field the governors, saved the seat of governor Kalu and the status quo. Hopes that a change would come were dashed as the only ministerial position in the sate as well as the position of the National Secretary of the PDP, were left with the Bende bloc. These events rather than cow, have even intensified the agitation, to such a point that Abia remains on top of a gun powder.
The politics of Abia therefore is played along these blocs. The Bende bloc, seemingly wall-off politically, lording it over the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc orphaned by the dynamics explained above. In the process, what is evident is a sharp divide. But the founding fathers of the state saw the future. They noted this divide and drew what they called the Abia Charter of Equity, which specified and documented a power-sharing formula to stave off a conflict of succession.
Governor Kalu has since poured wax on the Charter, and declared that he will hand over power to somebody from Abia Central Senatorial District. There are three councils from Umuahia and three from the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc. He got the state caucus of the PDP to issue a declaration that the next governor will come from the Central senatorial districts. His critics saw in that, a design to deny the Ukwa-Ngwa bloc in order to pave the way for three candidates - Chief Onyema Ugochukwu, Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, Chief T.A. Orji, his Chief of Staff.
Because of the governor's divisive style, the Bende Vs Ukwa-Ngwa bloc is subsumed under another dichotomy - the Reality, the governor's political group and the Abuja line-up. The Senate President, leads the Abuja line, which effectively squares him with the governor.
Along with Wabara are Chief Ugochukwu, Prince Ogbulafor (although with a half-hearted commitment due to his ambition), Hon. Mao Ohuabunwa, Chief Ojo Maduekwe, Hon. Nonye Macebuh, Hon. Damian Ozurumba, Chief Abaribe, Chief Chibuike Nwokeukwu, Senator Onyeka Okoroafor etc.
This motley group is united on one agenda, and cannot agree on the second. They insist Kalu has rubbished every notion of good governance in Abia, and are plotting to ensure, since he cannot be removed now, that he and his vastly influential mother, Eunice are not in a position to determine the next governor.
However, they are divided on who should the Kalu's successor in 2007. While Ugochukwu and Ogbulafor insist on an Umuahia candidate, the Ukwa-Ngwa group argue that they should naturally produce a successor to Kalu.
In the approach to 2007, the struggle has become intense. Led by Wabara, there is intense pressure on Kalu. His foes saw to it that Chief Uzodinma Okpara, the state chairman of the PDP was removed recently.
The battle is as THISDAY, gathered, likely to rise to other new levels which may hurt the governor politically. Both sides are holding fast to their positions. Feelers indicate that the governor and his group are feeling the heat. With a gangatuan fight against the President and Chief Tony Anenih, who many see as reason for seizure of the licence of his airline Slok, Kalu is worried that his political base is slipping away. His opponents are cashing on the matter. At the moment, the party structure is falling off his hands. Kalu himself has been forced to make two concessions. He got the House of Assembly, to drop the impeachment of his deputy, Dr Chima Nwafor, an Ukwa-Ngwa man who until recently was Kalu's mother's lackey. He is reported to have spoken, outside the caucus, that he will hand over to an Ukwa-Ngwa man. It does not appear that anybody believes him, since he has a reputation for double-speak.
What is clear for now is that there is not likely to be a let up in the struggle. The Ukwa-Ngwa bloc appears determined to take the fight to its logical conclusion. But then, the Abuja group may snatch defeat from the jaws of victory, with the ambitions of major players in the group. If they rein in their ambitions and settle for one person, they may reverse history. If they fail, they would have given a lee way to Kalu to bounce back and play the kingmaker. In that case, it is not likely that he will back an Ukwa-Ngwa man.
Again if that scenario plays out, the crying need to assuage the rage of the Ukwa-Ngwa majority may wait longer.
For now, there are men to watch. Chief Abaribe, Col. Akobundu, Onyema Ugochukwu, Vincent Ogbulafor, Ahamdi Nweke, Prince Sunny Aku, Uzoma Azuogu, Chief T.A. Orji and other dark horses, are waiting. Whatever will happen lies in the womb of time.
|
